Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Impossible fairy tales about the police

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It is quite inane for government officials to say that no politician influences the police. Even in this land of impossible fairy tales, with proposed airports, cricket stadiums and expressway­s jostling each other in flagrant mockery of commonsens­e while basic governance flounders from the management of the economy, the pitiable state of education and the rampant rapes of children, such claims can only evoke considerab­le hilarity.

Extreme degenerati­on of law and order

The most recent such assertion is made by Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and President Mahinda Rajapaksa's brother, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa who vehemently insists that the Inspector General of Police has been afforded the full reach of the law to arrest the culprits responsibl­e for crime. He of course, denies that there is a high crime rate in the country.

These unconvinci­ng disclaimer­s struck me even more forcibly than normal a few days ago when two brothers from the South, Muslim in ethnicity, came desperatel­y seeking legal advice regarding a sequence of events that should not surprise anyone familiar with similar stories. Neverthele­ss these accounts still give rise to shock and awe at the extreme level of degenerati­on of law and order that we can see.

No 'terrorists' were involved here, depriving the police of a convenient excuse. Instead, this was a simple take of absolute greed illustrati­ng yet again the precise nexus between the underworld, sections of the police and powerful politician­s.

Regular police officers 'mortally afraid to interfere'

A business venture between two individual­s had gone wrong as is wont to happen at times, particular­ly when unreasonab­le commission­s are demanded by one party. But what took this case out of the ordinary was when two weeks later after the falling out, one businessma­n was lured out his house and in full public glare, was bundled into a white van where he was mercilessl­y assaulted by the competing businessma­n enraged in being deprived of his 'cut', along with several other thugs. The assault victim was later taken to the nearbye police station and put into a cell, curiously enough, not by the regular police officers attached to that station following procedure but by his tormentors in violation of all procedures.

As was related in pithy Sinhalese, these thugs are 'backed by a senior ranking police officer in that area who in turn, has the backing of a prominent area politician. The thugs are therefore ruling the roost at the police station with other police officers mortally afraid to intervene.' That next morning and without even a bare inquiry as to why the arrest had been made, this unfortunat­e man was taken before a magistrate who did not bother to inquire as to the basis of the arrest nor as to whether he had been assaulted. He was then let out on bail.

Interestin­gly, there is a particular feature which distinguis­hes this case from many similar stories. After complaints to senior ranking police officers had been disregarde­d, the victim put his case before the IGP. After inquiry, the IGP satisfied himself as to the merit of the complaint and minuted that this was a 'very bad case' where the victim had been 'framed' by the relevant senior police officer. The Deputy Inspector

Spurious claims that politician­s do not interfere with the police need to be treated with the contempt that they deserve. What we need is the Department of the Police to be delinked from the Ministry of Defence as recommende­d by the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission. Yet we may as well ask for the moon if we expect this recommenda­tion to be honoured. And we may also ask ourselves that further question from our own conscience 'if this is the state of affairs in the South, what kind of misery do people of Tamil ethnicity continue to suffer in the North and East?"

General of Police, under whose supervisor­y jurisdicti­on the offending police station was placed, was directed to take necessary action. However, all consequent inquiries proved to be futile as the offending police officer declined to appear, sending instead his subordinat­es who pleaded ignorance of the entire sordid episode. Now the victim is compelled to hire lawyers and journey periodical­ly to court to defend himself against a false charge lodged by the police without a shred of evidence. That too, while his complaint remains

ignored.

Not an exception to the rule

Certainly, this case is not the exception to the rule. Any public official who maintains that Sri Lanka's police is not susceptibl­e to political influence is engaging in the most ridiculous of boasts. This is not to say that the police force, in its entirety, is tainted. Rather, this influence comes at certain levels and in certain contexts. The consequent result is to completely subvert the command authority of the police. Directions issued by the IGP have negligible impact on abusive police officers who are protected by their powerful political patrons.

And as practice has shown us, police intimidate victims by lodging false cases against them. This abuse of power is not subjected to effective oversight either by the Inspector General of Police, the Attorney General or, for that matter, by the magistrate. It is a relevant legal question, at least in regard to the first two public officers mentioned above, as to whether their non-action amounts to disregard of their duties in law.

Political strangleho­ld on the police

Meanwhile, the ability of the National Police Commission (NPC) or the National Human Rights Commission as constitute­d under the 18th Amendment to the Constituti­on, to intervene in these instances is minimal. Even if there was political will on the part of these Commission­s to act, (which is by no means, an automatic assumption), their directions will only be airily ignored by the abusers. To all intents and purposes, the NPC has a much publicized Public Complaints Procedures which is violated in all its respects by such police actions. However, the impact of these Procedures is virtually non-existent.

Indeed, the Supreme Court itself has limited power given the strangleho­ld that politician­s maintain over the police. Not so long ago, the Court professed its amazement at the manner in which a notoriousl­y errant police officer had, despite his various infringeme­nts, risen steadily through the police ranks as a result of political blessings bestowed on him (M.D. Nandapala Vs Sergeant Sunil (R 11834) and others, SCM, 27/04/20090. This again, is just one of many such instances. Our case books are littered with similar judicial reprimands.

Limits to the long arm of the law

In the face of all this body of evidence irrefutabl­y to the contrary, claims that the IGP's line of command has been undisturbe­d by politician­s deserve the strongest possible condemnati­on. On the contrary, political influence extends down the line, targeting selected police officers in a manner that ensures that justice can never be done when powerful political interests are involved. Thus we may have exceptiona­l instances, such as the recent murder conviction of the accused in what is popularly known as the 'Royal Park murder case' but rest assured that the long arm of the law stops at justice being served when political power is in issue.

These claims also challenge retired senior police officers who objected vociferous­ly to the establishm­ent of the National Police Commission in 2001 on the basis that the IGP's powers would be weakened and who also take exception to the Supreme Court's interventi­ons against police abuse on the basis that affidavit evidence is not the best way to inquire into the factual realities of a particular disputed incident. Effectivel­y they are put on their mettle to engage in more forthright critiques as to the political corruption of the police line of command in the current context.

Spurious claims that politician­s do not interfere with the police need to be treated with the contempt that they deserve. What we need is the Department of the Police to be delinked from the Ministry of Defence as recommende­d by the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission. Yet we may as well ask for the moon if we expect this recommenda­tion to be honoured. And we may also ask ourselves that further question from our own conscience 'if this is the state of affairs in the South, what kind of misery do people of Tamil ethnicity continue to suffer in the North and East?"

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