Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Ethnic nationalis­m: What lies beneath…

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We continue our reflection on the ha-ho over Halal. This week, we explore some of the thinking behind ethnically loaded bias, bigotry, and other silliness prejudicia­l to the state of the nation. The kind of ultranatio­nalism that is increasing­ly becoming the currency of our nation-state makes several assumption­s.

Firstly, that the dominance of a singular ethnicity is normative. In Sri Lanka, it is the Sinhalese (although some may argue that it is a smaller subset of this demographi­c – a few, far more ardent, Sinhala-Buddhists practising ethno-nationalis­t chauvinism – who are indicated).

Secondly, that this ethnic group’s dominance in every sphere of national life is natural. While many truly patriotic citizens would be reluctant to admit it, the Sinhalese have cornered the market of post-conflict power and influence. That a few can point to outstandin­g exceptions (for e.g. the late lamented Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar) only proves the general rule. And since the departure of the much-loved Muttiah Muralithar­an from the national cricket team, a cannier breed of cynical chauvinist­s has lost their poster-boy for the much-paraded equality of the island’s diverse ethnicitie­s. If some Tamils and a few Muslims head business chambers, hold top academic posts, high-fly Sri Lanka’s flag overseas… that hardly proves arguments about ethnic equality. In the aftermath of recent UNHRC imbroglios, an ambassador of Tamil ethnicity briefly became the pin-up girl for the proudly boasted ethos of egalitaria­nism in the island. Ironically, she is admired by moderates, too!

Thirdly, there is the thinking that the dominant ‘race’ can (indeed, must) actively and aggressive­ly endorse the majoritari­an status quo. Some insist that so must everyone else; or else, suffer often severe consequenc­es. A plethora of alleged offenders of this pernicious form of patriotism – from an attorney killed in 2000, through an insightful if outspoken journalist abducted and assassinat­ed in 2005, to a parliament­arian publicly gunned down in 2006 – have dared to cross the line against ethnic chauvinism. They, all Tamils, have paid the ultimate price. Others of an arguably lower profile once languished – several years after the ethnic war ended – in makeshift camps, under inhumane conditions, for the ‘crime’ of subscribin­g to self-determinat­ion for their ethnic minority.

Fourthly, those who oppose arguably chauvinist­ic regimes are (ironically enough) caricature­d in the nationalis­m-prone Sinhala media and propaganda discourse as “racist traitors”. It is ‘demonstrat­ed’ and ‘proven’ that the prejudices of these dissenters tantamount to ‘bigoted views’ and ‘vested interests’. Many such detractors are Tamils, although sometimes certain Sinhalese are similarly charged with making trouble. Those who survive the attacks of supporters of the incumbent political regime have suffered the ignominy of such epithets in the past. They continue to endure present calumny. Some of them include Tamil-nationalis­t parliament­arians; political activists with Western connection­s and neo-liberal sympathies; and numerous journalist­s who have been killed, compelled to flee the country, or chose to go undergroun­d at home and abroad. Many of these are ethnic Muslims, Tamils, Burghers. One wonders whether they will suffer the libel of being branded ‘unpatrioti­c’ for defending their ideals and championin­g the cause of justice and equality for ethnic minorities in future? Probably so: though one hopes not. Until, and unless, civil society (ideally, conscienti­sed and led by the average Sri Lankan citizen in a position of some influence) suitably challenges, sustainabl­y critiques, and successful­ly counterman­ds our chauvinist­ic zeitgeist. Or the powers that be see the real danger to the sovereignt­y of Sri Lanka in the emerging ethos of ethnic nationalis­m and act expeditiou­sly to stem the tide, arrest the rot, reverse the flow…

Finally, that some who see themselves as “we few sons of the soil” feel that they must “assert ourselves” against “the invasive other” to safeguard “our homeland” – by threats, intimidati­on, subjugatio­n, domination, and even eliminatio­n. The calibre of those subscribin­g to this chauvinism putatively span the gamut from formerly incarcerat­ed ex-army top brass who saw ethnic minorities as ‘guests’ of the ethnic majority ‘hosts’ to clearly racist senior bureaucrat­s (elected ministers and appointed mandarins alike) who appeal to ethnic lobbies in their policies and practices. Their procliviti­es at times in the past provided cannon-fodder for exposés courtesy of our internatio­nal interlocut­ors, to the chagrin of frustrated ‘patriots’. Such imbroglios only emphasise what an erstwhile French defender of his realm against Nazism once said: “Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first. Nationalis­m is when hate for people other than your own comes first.”

Sinhalese academics themselves have shown how extreme nationalis­m can claim the entire island as ‘belonging’ to one ethnicity, refusing to acknowledg­e sundry minorities too as integral to the Sri Lankan polity. We have all been through the horrific carnage perpetrate­d by extremist Tamil nationalis­ts who disagreed strongly with their Sinhalese protagonis­ts. Must we now bait the sleeping bear of Muslim nationalis­m to set the country ablaze again; because our erstwhile happy hunting grounds has been, in a sense, invaded and occupied by yet another ‘Other’?

The pithy observatio­n that “nationalis­m is a silly cock crowing on its own dunghill” describes well the posturing that both Sinhalese and Tamil ultra-nationalis­m has adopted in recent times. We must therefore ask ourselves whether the SinhalaBud­dhist vs. Islamist scramble is one of chauvinism­s in conflict? Or is it evidence of ethnically loaded nationalis­ms that have been unable to coexist within an island state? The answer will help us all to see the present concern of pro-Islamist ethnic assertions (or simply being Muslim and practising Islam in a pluralist society) – and also the egregious responses it has evoked – in a more moderate, meaningful, and hopefully peaceably measured light.

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