Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

US may push for punitive action

-

the report of the Office of the High Commission­er and also calls upon the Government to conduct an independen­t and credible investigat­ion into allegation­s of violations of internatio­nal human rights law and internatio­nal humanitari­an law, as applicable. A new addition says: "Re-iterates its call upon the Government of Sri Lanka to implement effectivel­y the constructi­ve recommenda­tions made in the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission, and to take all necessary additional steps to fulfil its relevant legal obligation­s and commitment to initiate credible and independen­t actions to ensure justice, equity, accountabi­lity and reconcilia­tion for all Sri Lankans; The use of the words "unfettered access" has been dropped in the provision which reads "Encourages the Government of Sri Lanka to co-operate with special procedures mandate holders and to respond formally to their outstandin­g requests, including by extending invitation­s and providing access; The change in the outlook of the resolution could be broadly classified into two main categories. One is largely the references made to both recommenda­tions and matters arising from the Government's own Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission (LLRC). Even the references to Chief Justice 43 Shirani Bandaranay­ake or the 'independen­ce of the judiciary' has been dropped. In doing so, secondly, the resolution also addresses Indian concerns. A reference to the conduct of Northern Provincial Council elections in September this year is an example. Another is a call for the participat­ion of minorities in rebuilding infrastruc­ture. Yet another is taking "note of LLRC findings and recommenda­tions, and acknowledg­ing its possible contributi­on to the process of national reconcilia­tion." US diplomats believed, with India happy and on board, basing most of the resolution on matters arising out of the LLRC, would make it possible to have most countries support it. Yet, there were those that were in principle opposed to country-specific resolution­s. Some of them abstained. Thailand, which is facing an insurgency in the country's southern Yala Province, also declared it was opposed to country specific moves and voted against the resolution.

However, behind-the-scene Indian diplomatic moves threatened the survival of the UPA government with the DMK's pull-out. In a bid to woo the southern party, more so when it has offered support from outside, Congress leaders embarked on emergency measures. It was also prompted by the prospect of a Congress tie up with DMK should there be elections. One was to undo what their diplomats had done in Geneva and call for a "tougher" resolution. The deadline for amendments was 1 p.m. on Monday March 18. It was well past that time when Dilip Sinha, the Indian Ambassador to the UN in Geneva returned there after a hurried trip to New Delhi for consultati­ons with his government in the wake of the DMK pull-out from the Congress led government. He talked to his US counterpar­t Eileen Chamberlai­n Donahue about moving oral amendments as is allowed by Council procedure. According to diplomatic sources in Geneva, it was felt that the move was highly risky and would endanger the passage of the resolution. No details of these amendments were available. Most delegation­s had already obtained instructio­ns from their capitals on the final draft resolution dated March 19. Fresh instructio­ns on oral amendments, it was feared, would not arrive on time. Hence, those countries may be forced to abstain. Thus, the move had to be abandoned. The US felt this was risky business.

Even if Indian diplomats were trying to undo what they did before, a claim denied by Congress ministers, it would not have pleased the DMK. It was demanding that the resolution make specific reference to investigat­ing "genocide" in Sri Lanka, a claim that has not been made by any country or internatio­nal human rights watchdog groups, and more than three years after the insurgency had ended. The impossible demand made clear the DMK had its own political agenda for pulling out of the UPA government.

Having failed in his efforts for a stronger resolution, Ambassador Sinha made a statement ahead of the vote on the resolution. He called on Sri Lanka to "move forward on its public commitment­s, including the devolution of political authority through full implementa­tion of the 13th Amendment and building upon it."

Among the highlights of his speech: "We call for effective and timely implementa­tion of all the constructi­ve recommenda­tions contained in the LLRC report, including those pertaining to missing persons, detainees, disappeara­nces and abductions, reduction of 'high security zones', return of private lands by the military and withdrawal of the security forces from the civilian domain in the Northern Province. We reiterate our call for an independen­t and credible investigat­ion into allegation­s of human rights violations and loss of civilian lives. We urge Sri Lanka to take forward measures to ensure accountabi­lity. We expect these measures to be to the satisfacti­on of the internatio­nal community."

The second move by the Congress government was to adopt a resolution in the Lok Sabha on the lines of the one in Geneva but more strongly worded. Indian Ministers tried hard but the main opposition Bharatiya Janatha Party (BJP) said it was strongly opposed to country-specific resolution­s. The BJP felt this was an internal problem of the UPA coalition and was asking why they had to be called in to discuss a resolution against Sri Lanka as a result.

On Wednesday night, Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar chaired a meeting of political parties represente­d in Parliament. It transpired that there was no appetite for a resolution on Sri Lanka. The main opposition BJP flatly refused to support an anti-Sri Lanka resolution in the Indian Parliament. The issue is in limbo as fears of an early poll, ahead of a scheduled date in April 2014, gathers momentum. This was while a DMK leader remarked that it is not only the doors of a return to the UPA government that had been shut, but also the windows. Political analysts say that DMK sees its alliance with the Congress a hindrance. With Congress's popularity waning, the DMK wishes to keep its options open come the next elections.

The official Sri Lankan government response to the resolution came from External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris. He told Parliament: "On the first occasion when a representa­tive of the United States met me and indicated that a resolution would be moved in Geneva, I was categorica­lly told that this is a procedural resolution. It is a not a condemnato­ry resolution and a balanced one. I was told reference would be made to the positive developmen­ts.In the draft there was not one word about the positive developmen­ts.

"Nobody can maintain there were no positive achievemen­ts. Subsequent­ly it was due to immense pressure that was brought to bear on the mover of the resolution by a large number of countries, due to the intensity of the pressure that grudgingly, a lukewarm reference was made to the positive developmen­ts. A large number of countries spoke to the mover of the resolution and said this is not fair at all, this does not make sense ,we cannot support it, this is entirely one sided. By all means criticise what warrants criticism but you must have not only the largesse or generosity of heart, but a basic sense of justice and fairness. It was because that point of view was so persistent­ly and vigorously expressed by a large number of countries that belatedly and grudgingly some words were added to make reference to the positive achievemen­ts. That is not the spirit in which we would like our friends to work. It is not a hallmark of goodwill. In our lives, from our friends, those who mean well, we expect that kind of attitude. This is very distressin­g, the manner in which events have moved in the past few weeks.

"I would in all earnestnes­s request the mover of the resolution to ask themselves, are they really pleased about the consequenc­es they have produced, not only within shores of Sri Lanka but neighbouri­ng India? Their resolution has triggered a whole sequence of events that have played out in the past few weeks. Those who made the calculated decision to move the resolution, when they look back in retrospect, when they assess their own conduct, do they really feel they have reason to feel pleased, are they satisfied with the consequenc­es they have produced on the ground? Has the resolution helped? Has it played a benign, constructi­ve role or has it been a positive influence? Is it not the case it has really served as catalyst for dissension, for discord, for polarizati­on and more regrettabl­y a catalyst for violence? We have all seen what has happened in the past few days. I am not saying these tragic events were intended but they were clearly foreseeabl­e."

Peiris' lament raises more questions than it answers. In the national interest, the question that begs an answer is why his Ministry of External Affairs failed to foresee these "tragic events" in the months and weeks ahead of Thursday's UN vote. Surely, the EAM would have known the consequenc­es on the ground which Peiris is now complainin­g about. All it would have taken is a close study by his Ministry with the help of the country's diplomatic missions overseas, especially Washington. Have they abdicated that task? He flew round the globe to both Brazil and Argentina to canvass their support for the resolution. His press releases spoke in the strongest terms about the support Sri Lanka would receive. These two countries voted in favour of the resolution, certainly not a "benign, constructi­ve role" by Peiris' own judgement. That was tragic too. In addition, his External Affairs Ministry in the recent past lined up official visits for President Mahinda Rajapaksa to Kazakhstan, South Korea and recently to Japan. Whilst Kazakhstan and Japan abstained, South Korea voted for the resolution.

A significan­t aspect of the passage of Thursday's resolution is that it has been welcomed both by the White House and Secretary of State John Kerry. This is a signal that the Sri Lankan issue is high on the US agenda and will not fade away. The National Security Council, White House "welcomes the passage of a resolution on Sri Lanka sponsored by it at the UNHRC." They said the vote sent a clear signal to Colombo that the internatio­nal community is committed to promote peace and stability in the country. "Today's (last Thursday's) vote sends a clear message that the internatio­nal community is committed to working with the Government of Sri Lanka to promote greater peace, stability, and prosperity for all of the people of Sri Lanka," Caitlin Hayden, spokespers­on of the National Security Council, the White House, said in a statement on Thursday.

"This resolution, which the United States co-sponsored as part of a cross-regional group, calls on the Government of Sri Lanka to fulfil its commitment­s to promote meaningful reconcilia­tion for all Sri Lankans," she said. The resolution also encourages the Government to credibly investigat­e allegation­s of violations of internatio­nal human rights and humanitari­an law as Sri Lanka continues to heal from more than two decades of conflict," Ms. Hayden added.

Secretary John Kerry said, "Today's (last Thursday's) vote in the UN Human Rights Council encourages the Government of Sri Lanka to continue on the path toward lasting peace and prosperity following decades of civil war and instabilit­y. This resolution, which builds on a similar 2012 resolution, reaffirmed that Sri Lanka must take meaningful action on reconcilia­tion and accountabi­lity in order to move forward. The United States, together with internatio­nal partners, calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to fulfil its public commitment­s to its own people on these longstandi­ng issues.

"While some important progress has been made, there is much work still to be done. We look to the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the recommenda­tions of the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilia­tion Commission (LLRC) and to reverse recent negative developmen­ts on rule of law and human rights. The United States stands ready to assist with this vital work. I look forward to continuing our engagement with the Government of Sri Lanka and strengthen­ing our friendship with the Sri Lankan people."

In Colombo, US Ambassador Michele Sison explained to a group of journalist­s on Friday the United States' rationale behind the second resolution.

Ambassador Sison reflected on the aftermath of the resolution. She told the Sunday Times yesterday, "As we move forward from Geneva, we are committed to discussing building internatio­nal consensus to ensure a thorough investigat­ion of alleged internatio­nal law violations and action for those accountabl­e. Internatio­nal mechanisms can be appropriat­e where states are either unable or unwilling to meet their obligation­s. Options are in the Human Rights Council and beyond."

Thursday's Human Rights Council sessions began with a statement by Pakistan's Ambassador Zamir Akram. He said,"Pakistan believes that the OHCHR Report has no nexus to the principal objects of resolution 19/2, which was to report on the provision of technical assistance, and has sought to make recommenda­tions which are outside its scope and mandate. These include substantiv­e recommenda­tions made on Sri Lanka's reconcilia­tion process which are intrusive, arbitrary and of a politicise­d nature. It is, therefore, the considered view of my delegation that a draft resolution which bases itself on a Report, whose credibilit­y is so blatantly questioned by many including the country concerned, cannot be conceived by this august body as being a reasonable basis for further engagement of that country in a constructi­ve manner.

"More importantl­y, we regret to note that the substantiv­e amendments which were proposed on the draft text by my delegation, and supported by several other delegation­s, during the informal sessions, specifical­ly on OPs 1 and 2, (reference is to informal meetings) to bring some semblance of balance to this text, have been disregarde­d." He called for a vote on it. Other speakers included diplomats from Ireland on behalf of the European Union, Montenegro, Sierra Leone, Brazil, Venezuela and Ecuador.

In his summation, President's Human Rights Special Envoy, Minister Samarasing­he, said those genuinely concerned about the future and well-being of the people of Sri Lanka, should encourage the country in its on-going reconcilia­tion process, rather than single it out for disproport­ionate attention in the Council.

Please turn to pages 17

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Sri Lanka