Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

India and the emerging new North-South power balance

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he oath-taking ceremony of the new Northern Provincial Council's Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswara­n at Temple Trees on Monday before President Mahinda Rajapaksa signalled what could possibly be a new chapter in the hitherto troubled relationsh­ip between North and South. That followed the equally historic event of the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections last month that brought the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) into power provincial­ly. These events have been credited with having created an opening for the process of power sharing through which, it is hoped, reconcilia­tion will be advanced.

No sooner had the new Council's board of ministers been announced, the tensions within the TNA erupted into the open. Nine of the 30 TNA councillor­s reportedly boycotted the provincial ministers' and members' swearing-in ceremony yesterday, including TNA Spokesman Suresh Premachand­ran. Reports say he held a news conference in Jaffna where he expressed his displeasur­e with what he called the TNA's 'authoritar­ian' ways in making these appointmen­ts.

The other notable event during the week was the visit by Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid, the timing of which coincided with Wigneswara­n's oath-taking at Temple Trees. It may be recalled that India's National Security Advisor Shivshanka­r Menon visited Sri Lanka in July, soon after President Rajapaksa's announceme­nt of the NPC election. During these periodic visits by Indian dignitarie­s, the talks with the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) invariably revolve around the 13th Amendment and the devolution of power to the provinces as a basis for a political settlement.

While there are mixed feelings about India's involvemen­t in Sri Lanka's national reconcilia­tion process, it becomes increasing­ly clear that Colombo needs New Delhi's support to navigate its way through the challenges that lie ahead on the internatio­nal stage. The Government is no doubt worried about the upcoming Commonweal­th Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) at which some western powers have warned they will raise human rights issues. The scrutiny that Sri Lanka is being subjected to in the UN Human Rights Council is another area of concern.

India appears to be keeping the GoSL in suspense as to whether it will be represente­d by a high level delegation that includes its prime minister at CHOGM. Its participat­ion as the main regional player is seen to be vital for a successful summit. At the UNHRC, meanwhile, India supported two US-led resolution­s against Sri Lanka in 2012 and 2013. India has in fact been keeping up the heat on Sri Lanka at the UNHRC. At the council's 24th session in September, where the UN High Commission­er for Human Rights presented an oral update on Sri Lanka, India's delegate said "We encourage the High Commission­er to continue to provide advice and technical assistance" in accordance with the HRC resolution­s.

India's support in the internatio­nal forums will not be secured without a quid pro quo from Sri Lanka. During Khurshid's visit several MoUs were signed relating to the Sampur Thermal Power Project in Trincomale­e, which had earlier been resisted by the local power sector. Khurshid also urged the speedy conclusion of a 'comprehens­ive framework of economic cooperatio­n' also known as CEPA, which is known to have caused concerns in the business community.

On the subject of poaching by Indian fishermen in Sri Lanka's territoria­l waters, the statements from the two sides have not been in consonance. An Indian High Commission statement said the two ministers of External Affairs agreed to encourage fishermen's associatio­ns on both sides to meet to reach some understand­ing. A statement from the Presidenti­al Spokesman's office based on Khurshid's discussion­s with the president also seemed to echo this position. But the Sri Lankan Ministry of External Affairs issued a separate statement that referred to the "high incidence of poaching in Sri Lankan waters" and emphasised the need for a deterrent.

It's hard to see how 'fishermen from both sides' would be able to resolve this issue when the Indians are reportedly running a multi-billion rupee fishing industry that in fact depends on robbing Sri Lanka's marine resources. In this situation the terminolog­y suggesting that 'both sides agreed' would seem to be problemati­c.

A question that arises is, does Sri Lanka really need India to baby-sit its reconcilia­tion process to this extent? Had Sri Lanka seized the initiative soon after the war's end, and taken those same steps of holding the Northern election and delivering on power devolution on its own, wouldn't the GoSL have been spared the indignity of being prodded on to do so now by India, submitting to other pressures as well in the process, in order to secure Indian support in internatio­nal forums?

On the positive side, a possible indication of President Rajapaksa's priorities was seen at the swearing-in ceremony of Chief Minister Wigneswara­n at Temple Trees, where the invitees included several moderates from North and South. Those present reportedly included ministers Vasudeva Nanayakkar­a, DEW Gunasekera, Tissa Vitharana and Douglas Devananda, PLOTE leader Dharmaling­am Siddhartha­n and former UN ambassador Dayan Jayatillek­a. Dr Jayatillek­a who was part of the short-lived North-Eastern Provincial Council of 1988, has been one of the most consistent advocates of power devolution as a necessary followthro­ugh to the military defeat of the LTTE.

It's evident that the TNA leadership's decision to make Justice Wigneswara­n the Chief Minister has helped to isolate Tamil extremist elements both locally and in the pro-LTTE diaspora. Notwithsta­nding the TNA's ambiguous rhetoric, the CM's gesture of taking oaths before the president may be seen as an expression of readiness to work towards unity. The GoSL for its part would need to resist the temptation to exploit the teething problems of the newly empowered Tamil coalition. Failure to extend to it the support it needs, would be to invite further external involvemen­t that could disrupt the fragile new power equation that is emerging.

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