UPFA loses friends and

South Africa's initiative ends in tragi-comedy with various views by different stakeholders, Ramaphosa hurt by ministerial remarks Govt. on collision course with TNA over reappointment ofNorthern Governor, Wigneswaran under pressure to resign Peiris holds

South Africa's role in Sri Lanka's peace and reconciliation process appears to have metamorphosed from playing honest broker to simply sharing its experience and offering help. Their latest posture emerged when the man who is next in line for that country's presidency, much respected Cyril Ramaphosa arrived in Colombo last Monday heading a top level delegation. He is now acting President. President Jacob Zuma named him Special Envoy to Sri Lanka. Zuma himself is ill and is hospitalised.

Before getting down to business, Ramaphosa had some strong words to say. "Your Excellency, We are here at the invitation of your Government. If you don't like our role, we are prepared to withdraw. We have to protect the dignity of our country," he told President Mahinda Rajapaksa. During talks earlier with a Sri Lanka Government delegation, Ramaphosa told the President, he had asked External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris to clarify Sri Lanka's position. He had agreed to do so. This was because they were hurt by cynical remarks by Government members. Ramaphosa also made clear that their initiatives should not in any way be misunderstood as trying to elbow out India. Rajapaksa responded saying, "Sri Lanka is receiving the support of India in addressing the national question." With continued assistance, he said, that even issues in the north could be settled. He declared Sri Lanka "is open to learn from the experience of other nations under similar circumstances".

One such remark referred to by Ramaphosa was that by Minister Wimal Weerawansa, leader of the National Freedom Front (NFF). One of the NFF's 12-point "reform proposals" is to urge the Government not to have any "outside involvement" in the country's peace and reconciliation process. In remarks made to the media over the South African delegation's visit, he claimed he had been told by UPFA leaders that "they were coming as tourists." Another minister who strongly opposed the visit was Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) General Secretary Patali Champika Ranawaka. He warned there would be serious consequences if there was foreign involvement.

External Affairs Minister (EAM) Peiris left for India after Ramaphosa's departure. Sri Lanka's current official position was contained in a statement acting EAM, Neomal Perera made in Parliament on Thursday. That was in response to a question raised by Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake. He said President Zuma had assigned Ramaphosa "to share South Africa's experience of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) process in order to explore the possibility of Sri Lanka adopting a similar mechanism." He made clear there was no "mediator role" for South Africa.

Only a week earlier, Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella told a news conference (following the weekly ministerial meeting on July 3) that Ramaphosa was coming to Sri Lanka "as a tourist" and there was "no agenda or official programme." Whether such public pronouncements are part of Government's well thought out strategy or not seems unclear though its credibility is eroded every week through this news conference. It was not so long ago, Rambukwella declared Sri Lanka was violating US oil sanctions on Iran and insisted "I know the gravity of what I am saying." Barely 24 hours later, it was denied by the External Affairs Ministry. President Rajapaksa was livid that Rambukwella's remarks had placed the Government in a difficult position.

So, it's official now. The Government of Sri Lanka is only keen to set up its own Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) drawing on the South African experience. That is pointedly to deal with matters arising out of the ongoing UN Human Rights Council international investigation into alleged war crimes. In South Africa, those responsible for apartheid crimes and made confessions to the TRC, were granted amnesty after scrutiny. The question, however, remains whether the Government's latest move is too little too late.

If that is just one issue, another is why there were so much of secret diplomatic exchanges between Colombo and Pretoria. A Sri Lanka delegation could have learnt of the workings of the South African TRC as easily, as a delegation visiting that country. This is what clouds the Colombo-Pretoria dialogue in the past several months or more.

On February 13, President Zuma told his country's Parliament during the state of the nation address, "Following requests from Sri Lanka and South Sudan for assistance in bringing about peace and reconciliation, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, has been appointed as South Africa's Special Envoy to the two countries. His expertise in conflict resolution and negotiations as well as our country's experience in this regard, will greatly assist the two countries to resolve their problems…" It is thus clear from Zuma's remarks that assistance was sought to bring "about peace and reconciliation" and not for the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) alone.

This led to a visit by a Government parliamentary delegation headed by Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva. He is the Chairman of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) tasked to formulate a political package to resolve the national question. The External Affairs Ministry remained silent and did not issue any media statement on the visit. It was followed by a visit of a Tamil National Alliance (TNA) delegation headed by its leader, Rajavarothayam Sampanthan in April. He answered questions in an interview in the Sunday Times (Political Commentary) on April 19. Here are some of the relevant questions and answers:

"What do you mean by a South African "initiative"? Could you elaborate?

"I cannot say anything more. How it will develop only time will tell. It will of course depend on the Government and the TNA.

"Would a South African dialogue go beyond a Truth and Reconciliation Commission?

"A Truth and Reconciliation Commission, if at all, would be the last thing in the dialogue. It would be the final component.

"What is the position of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in such a dialogue?

"In discussing a political solution which has not happened in the past, what is happening now and what should happen in the future will also be discussed. The 13th Amendment is already there. The Government has made certain commitments. We would discuss everything."

Neither President Zuma's remarks to his country's Parliament or TNA leader Sampanthan's assertions to the Sunday Times were contested by the UPFA Government then. The former said his Special Envoy's task was to bring about peace and reconciliation. The latter said present and past developments would be discussed and made clear that the TRC "would be the last thing in the dialogue." It became clear this week that the TRC is the one thing and the only thing.

How then did this transformation occur and what does it portend? The answer seems to lay in a remark a very close associate of President Rajapaksa and a parliamentarian made to a cabinet minister last Monday. The man who is thoroughly familiar with the workings of the EAM declared, "Meka Gil Pappagey Vedak ney (This is Gil Pappa's work), referring to his guru of sorts Minister G.L Peiris. For many months he (Peiris) had been engaged in a secret dialogue with Geoff Doidge, South Africa's envoy in Sri Lanka, about a role for Pretoria in the country's peace and reconciliation process. Whilst Peiris was pushing that initiative through Doidge, within sections of the Government storm clouds were building on why a third country was being invited. This was after mediation efforts by India and then Norway. It was in this backdrop that Rajapaksa held talks with Zuma on the sidelines of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo in November last year.

It is no secret that Doidge was removed from President Zuma's cabinet amidst serious allegations of corruption, charges that he denies. At that time, Zuma had said he was posting him to Sri Lanka as High Commissioner to spearhead a process to bring peace, a rewarding way for him to make a political comeback. In his new role, Doidge was guided by Peiris and told to remain silent. Colombo-based diplomats familiar with his role said he had alienated powerful sections of the Asian missions through what they alleged was his 'dubious' conduct. The missions in question were not taken into confidence and briefed on developments periodically, they alleged. The only exception was when Doidge asked the TNA to brief the diplomatic community at a private dinner after its visit to South Africa. When asked by the media of the event, Doidge said there was no such thing.

The three most significant events during Ramaphosa's visit were official talks with a Sri Lanka Government delegation, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the meeting with President Mahinda Rajapaksa. At first, Rajapaksa had a one-on-one meeting with Ramaphosa. Thereafter, their respective delegations joined the dialogue before sitting down to dinner.

The fact that two highly placed dignitaries of the UPFA Government - Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa and Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa - did not take part in the official level talks is indeed significant. Their names were on the list of participants handed to the South African side. Though reasons were given for their absence, there is little doubt they would not have wanted to be involved in that dialogue in the current political climate and ahead of impending presidential elections. That naturally downgrades the importance of the exercise. Led by Minister Peiris, the Sri Lanka delegation comprised Nimal Siripala de Silva, Douglas Devananda, Rauff Hakeem, Faizer Mustapha, Sajin de Vass Gunawardena, Arun Tambimuttu and External Affairs Ministry Secretary Kshenuka Seneviratne.

Besides Ramaphosa, other members of his delegation were: Nomainda Mfeketo, Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Ebrahim Esmail Ebrahim, Parliamentary Counsellor to the President in the National Assembly, Obeid Bopiela, Deputy Minister for Performance Monitoring, Evaluation and Administration, Roelf Meyer (Defence Minister and later Chief Negotiator for the apartheid regime) and one time member of Mandela's cabinet, Ivor Jenkins, Consultant, Director at In Transformation Institute, Mohamed Bhubba, Political Advisor and High Commissioner Doidge.

At the talks at the Gregory Room at Hotel Taj Samudra, the metamorphosed South African role unfolded. Before it began, media personnel present outside were told to withdraw. Minister Peiris was to outline the UPFA Government's current position by saying that Sri Lanka wanted to learn from South Africa. "Your invitation must not be an involvement. It should not be seen as our wanting to internationalise issues. We want a friendly sharing of ideas. As regards a political settlement, the Parliamentary Select Committee is the only way," he said. Ramaphosa who said he "appreciated Sri Lanka's concerns" was to make clear South Africa's role was the result of Sri Lanka Government's invitation. He urged that this position be understood and said his Government would help in every way possible. He added that South Africa abstained from voting at the third US backed resolution on Sri Lanka at the March session of the UN Human Rights Council since it wanted to remain neutral.

Ramaphosa, who some participants said was forthright, made clear that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) cannot be an end by itself. "Ours is an indigenous exercise. We cannot be kept in isolation," noted Rolf Meyer. Minister Peiris replied, "Whilst we discuss peace and reconciliation, we can also look at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Ramaphosa responded "Please let us know what you mean, what you want from us. Define what you want us to do."

Minister de Silva, Chairman of the Parliamentary Select Committee, charged that the TNA was intransigent since it did not take part in the Committee meetings. This was even after the Government had agreed to certain changes the TNA had sought. However, he did not identify what these changes were. The remarks were to draw an angry response from Justice Minister Rauff Hakeem. "The Government talks of an inclusive response. It wanted me to play the role of a bridge with the TNA. Yet, we ourselves are not in the PSC," he declared. He said there was a third dimension, the Muslim factor and yet his party had been left out. Hakeem also had a separate meeting with Ebrahim Esmail Ebrahim.

During Ramaphosa's talks with President Rajapaksa and the South African delegation members, the Sri Lankan President criticised the TNA for not taking part in the PSC. He said the TNA kept on upping its demands. Ramaphosa asked, "What if the TNA becomes reasonable. Will you restart the dialogue?" Rajapaksa replied that he could think about it. The South African special envoy said that protagonists must talk to each other. He said the African National Congress (ANC) remained engaged with the white supremacist F.W. de. Klerk regime. This was ahead of formal talks. "We are here to assist you in South Africa's stand-alone initiative," said Ramaphosa. No details of the one-on-one talks between Rajapaksa and Ramaphosa