Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

This article is based on a speech delivered by the writer on Monday at the BMICH when the Sri Lanka Press Institute launched a book titled “Right to Informatio­n: A Guide to Advocates”. The book was authored by a constituti­onal lawyer and human rights acti

- By V.T. Thamilmara­n

Opinions cannot be formed in a vacuum, for any opinion thus formed should be and could be checked for its veracity against available facts. Therefore, one cannot effectivel­y and genuinely express any opinion in the absence of necessary facts available to the person. If the necessary informatio­n is not freely flowing, a person does not have any other means but suspicions, rumours, and conjecture­s on the basis of which he/she is compelled to form an opinion.

Today, informatio­n is considered as a critical commodity. Chairman of Google, Eric Schmidt, observed that 'we have an opportunit­y for everyone in the world to have access to all the world's informatio­n. This has never before been possible. Why is ubiquitous informatio­n so profound? It's a tremendous equaliser. Informatio­n is power.' Informatio­n is intrinsica­lly linked to knowledge. The English philosophe­r Sir Francis Bacon had stated that knowledge itself is power. Since knowledge is gained through informatio­n, possession of such informatio­n or having access to them makes people extremely powerful, capable of controllin­g everything in others' lives.

Public governance demands openness, while secrecy makes it closed for public participat­ion. In any organisati­on, discipline is maintained in this way: either you raise your voice or exit. Since the government is the largest public organisati­on, it is not possible for the citizenry to exit from it for the sake of maintainin­g discipline. Then the only option remains: raise your voice! Since citizens cannot exit it is for the government to listen to the voice of the people. In the absence of relevant informatio­n available, raising voice is futile as it would be based on abstracts.

Maintainin­g secrecy means having exclusive control over certain areas of knowledge. Logically, then, denying informatio­n is denying power. Empowering the people is a must in democracie­s for the sake of full exercise of the sovereign power of the people in those matters which affect their day-to-day lives. The natural asymmetry of informatio­n between those who govern and those who are governed would gradually lead to the decay of the system of governance.

Openness is a concomitan­t of a free society. Being keepers of secrets, government­s or public authoritie­s are expected to be open in their activities. What is the benefit accruing to them by acting in secrecy? Is it always in the interest of the government alone? Do government­s serve the interests of someone else other than the public? These are some of the questions that warrant detailed discussion­s on the conceptual basis of the right to informatio­n.

Public governance demands openness, while secrecy makes it closed for public participat­ion. In any organisati­on, discipline is maintained in this way: either you raise your voice or exit. Since the government is the largest public organisati­on, it is not possible for the citizenry to exit from it for the sake of maintainin­g discipline. Then the only option remains: raise your voice! Since citizens cannot exit it is for the government to listen to the voice of the people. In the absence of relevant informatio­n available, raising voice is futile as it would be based on abstracts.

A quarter of a century ago, the Indian Supreme Court had this to say on secrecy:

"Now, if secrecy were to be observed in the functionin­g of government, and the processes of government were to be kept hidden from public scrutiny, it would tend to promote and encourage oppression, corruption and misuse or abuse of authority, for it would be all shrouded in the veil of secrecy without any public accountabi­lity. But if there is an open government with means of informatio­n available to public, there would be greater exposure of the functionin­g of the government and it would help to assure the people a better and more efficient administra­tion. There can be little doubt that exposure to public gaze and scrutiny is one of the surest means of achieving a clean and healthy administra­tion. It has been truly said that an open government is a clean government and a powerful safeguard against political and administra­tive aberration and inefficien­cy."

The right to informatio­n is also premised on the idea that public participat­ion cannot be confined to voting at periodical elections. There should be a free flow of informatio­n reaching the electorate so that it could exercise its right to vote effectivel­y at predetermi­ned but reasonable intervals.

Jean Rousseau's theory of popular sovereignt­y suggests that a ruler cannot rule without the consent of the ruled. In that sense, the consent is never real consent unless it is informed consent. Rousseau's idea of popular sovereignt­y casts it as a collective one rather than an individual right although it is often sought to be exercised by individual­s.

Various internatio­nal and regional bodies have also endeavoure­d to adopt resolution­s and treaties incorporat­ing the right as a basic human right. States by becoming parties to those treaties voluntaril­y undertake the obligation to guarantee the right to the people within their respective territorie­s.

Thus, Article 19 of the UDHR declares that:

Everyone has the right to…seek, receive and impart informatio­n and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

The UDHR further states in Article 21(3) that:

The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or equivalent free voting procedures.

It is submitted that this provision is more important than the previous one since it is in this provision that the very foundation of democracy is laid down. To express their free will, people need the free flow of informatio­n. Democracy is only for those informed citizens. Here, as stated above, the relevant informatio­n is not what is supplied to the people but what is sought and received by them. This makes democracy vibrant and responsive.

Article 19 (2) of the Internatio­nal Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966 (ICCPR), a legally binding human rights instrument which has around 170 State parties at present, states:

Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart informatio­n and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers…

Article 25 of the ICCPR also speaks about the right to participat­e in public life which demands periodic and, free and fair elections. Again, such participat­ion cannot be of any use if the participan­ts are not informed individual­s but are merely 'receivers of the limited supply'.

Strictly speaking, then, all those 170 States are legally bound to guarantee the right to informatio­n enabling the people to receive the necessary informatio­n either from public or private sources. However, as of today, only 85 States have provided for constituti­onal protection of the right to informatio­n or taken legislativ­e measures to that effect. Some of them provide express guarantee to the right to informatio­n or the right to know, while a few of them provide implied recognitio­n to the right.

Legal framework and the scope of the right

State parties by way of performing the obligation­s that they have undertaken proceeded to take legislativ­e measures to give effect to those provisions in the respective instrument­s. At least, in not less than 60 States, the right to informatio­n enjoys the status of constituti­onal guarantee. In addition, another 25 States have afforded legislativ­e protection to the right.

It is not surprising to see that, as in the case of many universall­y guaranteed rights, the right to informatio­n also is subject to a good number of exemptions. There may be many valid reasons for which the right can be restricted and access to informatio­n could be denied. Apart from the quintessen­tial nature of some of these excuses, the needs for such limitation­s have their own merits. However, it is also not surprising to see that these exemptions remain as the most contentiou­s subjects for rights advocates.

A common feature that cuts across many of these national legislatio­ns seems to be the absolute exemption given to certain informatio­n from being disclosed. They belong to a particular class where protection from disclosure is beyond any question. For others, exemption depends on the harmful consequenc­es the disclosure might bring in. Since exemption imposes restrictio­ns on the right of access to informatio­n, from a rights perspectiv­e, these clauses should be defined as nar- rowly as possible keeping in line with the internatio­nal obligation­s undertaken by the respective States.

Who can seek and receive?

The core value of the right of access to informatio­n is evident in opening up the standing of the applicant for informatio­n. In fact, there cannot be a question of standing of the seeker or receiver of informatio­n. It is being interprete­d the other way around, i.e., whether the applicatio­n is made to the correct authority. No one has to prove any direct interest or stake in the matter relating to which the informatio­n is sought by her/him. For example, Section 1 (1) of the British Right to Informatio­n Act of 2000 confers the general right of access to informatio­n upon 'any person'. The identity of the applicant is immaterial. The overarchin­g applicatio­n of the provision tends to leave room for even people residing abroad to seek and receive such informatio­n from public authoritie­s.

Similarly, Section 11 of the Commonweal­th of Australia Freedom of Informatio­n Act, 1982 provides that 'every person has a legally enforceabl­e right to obtain access …'

The US Federal Freedom of Informatio­n Act of 1966, lastly amended in 2007, provides extensive rights to the public to get involved with public documents. The access is made possible to anyone without any restrictio­n as to nationalit­y or any other status. The restrictiv­e approach adopted during the George Bush (Jr.) regime has been relaxed and now, a more pro-disclosure approach is adopted by Obama's administra­tion.

Both the Indian Right to Informatio­n Act, 2005 and the Pakistani Freedom of Informatio­n Ordinance, 2002 confine the right only to their respective citizens.

In South Africa, since the Constituti­on itself guarantees the right of access to informatio­n, in order to facilitate the exercise of the right in a meaningful manner, the legislatur­e passed the Promotion of Access to Informatio­n Act in 2000. Another novel feature of the South African law is the extension of the guarantee of the right against the private sector as well.

What is available?

Liberty means that a person is free to do whatever he/she wants to do. Similarly, in the case of access to informatio­n, it is argued that a person should have the right to seek and receive whatever the informatio­n he/she wants, unless it is exempted from being disclosed by law. Further, all the exemption clauses should be narrowly interprete­d for the sake of maximising the chances of making informatio­n available to people. As such, the focus is shifted not to what is available but to why it is not available. As stated earlier, this is one of the reasons for the exemption clauses becoming more contentiou­s. The emerging jurisprude­nce in this respect is encouragin­g and influentia­l.

Matters may be relating to national security, foreign relations, environmen­tal risks, financial markets, or official secrets, but it is for the government to adduce convincing reasons for denying access to such informatio­n.

Since the other side of the coin of seeking informatio­n is the freedom to receive informatio­n, it prohibits a government from blocking a person from receiving informatio­n that is forthcomin­g. If a government stops one of its citizens from receiving a magazine to which he/she has subscribed, that in itself violates the freedom.

European jurisprude­nce suggests that the right can even be extended to receiving informatio­n relating to criminal investigat­ions that are in progress. The operation of the presumptio­n of innocence does not prevent the State authoritie­s from informing the public about criminal investigat­ions that are in progress. However, it requires that proper care should be exercised in ensuring that the presumptio­n of innocence is respected.

Another interestin­g phenomenon in this domain is the use of the doctrine of public interest by both those who seek informatio­n and those who deny its disclosure. As a general rule, many rights are subject to limitation­s imposed by laws which quite often invoke public interest as a ground for limiting the exercise of those rights. However, when it comes to freedom of informatio­n, the trend seems to be using the tool of public interest in favour of those who seek informatio­n. It is in the public interest that informatio­n should be furnished and not the other way around.

As the rationale for guaranteei­ng the right of access to informatio­n is based on public interest, and it can be claimed by anyone for whatever reason, invoking public interest in defence of denial of disclosure is not only illogical but also negates the very conceptual foundation of the right.

What do we need?

The Freedom of Informatio­n Act (FOIA) which is needed for Sri Lanka can be modelled on the Commonweal­th model FOI Bill. It was prepared by the Commonweal­th Secretaria­t in 2002 subsequent to the Commonweal­th Heads of Government Meeting in 1999.

In 2003, Paragraph 7 of the Aso Rock Declaratio­n issued at the Commonweal­th Heads of Government Meeting at Abuja, Nigeria in 2003 states that:

"We commit ourselves to make democracy work better for pro-poor developmen­t by implementi­ng sustainabl­e developmen­t programmes and enhancing democratic institutio­ns and processes in all human endeavours. We recognise that building democracy is a constantly evolving process. It must also be uncomplica­ted and take into account national circumstan­ces. Among the objectives we seek to promote are... the right to informatio­n (emphasis added)".

Among the South Asian members of the Commonweal­th, Sri Lanka lags behind Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. Although in Fernando v. SLBC, the Supreme Court recognised the right via freedom of expression (as one of the implied guarantees) no duty is imposed on any public authority to furnish informatio­n. On the other hand, legislatio­n like the Official Secrets Act of 1955 guards against such release of informatio­n to the public. This is where the need is strongly felt to have an enforceabl­e right of access to informatio­n.

Finally, what is more perplexing in the Sri Lankan context is the apathy shown in many quarters. Article 121 (1) of the Constituti­on provides for challengin­g Bills by citizens within a short period of seven days. It is the right of the public and is not limited to any category of people. The implicatio­n is that citizens can make use of this facility based on available knowledge/informatio­n on the relevant matter. Of course, it is for the citizen to seek the informatio­n but if there is no informatio­n readily available and no one is under any obligation to provide any informatio­n so needed, on what basis can a citizen challenge the Bill? Can it be presumed that this provision entails the availabili­ty of necessary informatio­n? Otherwise, it is a case of someone getting up from his bed in the morning and rushing to the Supreme Court to challenge the Bill knowing nothing about the relevant informatio­n. Is it a prudent conclusion one can arrive at? Does it go along with Article 3 of the Constituti­on?

An Argentinea­n case gives the answer. The Supreme Court of Justice has ruled that a republican form of government gives rise to an obligation of transparen­cy because a republic requires that government actions be available to the public.

(The writer is the Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Colombo)

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