And a failing police

N, speculation over MR's political form separate party Much-hyped MS-MR meeting ends in disaster; former President's demands rejected; no more meetings

commandos.

In terms of directives issued by the Police Headquarters, an MP is assigned two persons from the Ministerial Security Division (MSD). The security at their residences becomes the task of the area Police Stations.

Government officials claim that the Commando security has been given to the former President to protect him and his family. From yesterday, this responsibility has been given to the Police Special Task Force. Even if Sirisean is blissfully unaware of the implications of having a weak and vulnerable security mechanism to protect him, he is mindful about the threats he faces. On the night of the presidential elections on January 8, he confessed that he was in a coconut estate in Dodangaslanda until the results were known. If he lost, he said, he was aware he would be six feet under. It would be wrong to assume that such threat factors diminish particularly as the activities of the corrupt and the inept are being exposed by the day, fuelling venomous enmity towards political leaders. Their embarrassment and resentment are growing. It is only a strong, well informed and efficient security mechanism that could be a good shield as President Sirisena grapples with many political issues. Premier Wickremesinghe is no exception to this situation.

Significant enough, this week, Sirisena was preoccupied not only with security issues, but more importantly for a meeting with his predecessor Mahinda Rajapaksa. Days ahead of the event, it had raised eyebrows in many quarters. Soon after assuming the presidency, Sirisena accepted the leadership of the SLFP from Rajapaksa. He later told party organisers at a meeting at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI) that he had been conferred the leadership and should therefore be allowed to run the party. He pledged that he would strengthen it. Why was he now turning to Mahinda Rajapaksa and his allies? Does he expect their support and cooperation to strengthen the SLFP? The answers were not clear even to the United National Party (UNP). The Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera, leader of the Movement for Social Justice and Equality, told our sister paper Adha that during the presidential poll, Rajapaksa and his allies had branded Sirisena as a front of the Tamil Diaspora. Now, Rajapaksa wanted to become the Prime Minister of that front.

A three-member delegation from the UNP met President Sirisena to raise issue. It comprised Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, Higher Education Minister Kabir Hashim and party Chairman Malik Samarawickrema. Sirisena, who is struggling to retain full control of his party, explained the circumstances. He was evidently under pressure from intermediaries to cede a meeting so he may hear the viewpoints of Rajapaksa and his allies. At first there was a debate over the venue. The Speaker's official residence along Parliament Road was suggested. Sirisena said it had to be either the Presidential Secretariat or his residence. Common ground was reached when they agreed to meet in the President's office in Parliament. Among those accompanying Rajapaksa were Bandula Gunawardena, G.L. Peiris and Mahindananda Aluthgamage. Besides Anura Priyadarshana Yapa (General Secretary of the SLFP) and Opposition Leader Nimal Siripala de Silva, Sirisena at the last minute included three others. They were those who joined him when he announced his presidential candidature -- Rajitha Senaratne, M.K.D.S. Gunawardena and Faizer Mustapha.

Behind the veneer of smiles and camaraderie, reflected during photo sessions, the talks assumed an aggressive and often hostile atmosphere. One participant described the mood as a trade union leader, whose men are on a crippling strike, negotiating with his employer. Somewhat nervous occasionally and looking at his own team more often than not, Rajapaksa placed a set of demands before Sirisena. Known for the patient hearing he gives, the SLFP leader and President was composed and remained calm. Here are Rajapaksa's demands: Make him (Rajapaksa) the Prime Ministerial candidate at the upcoming parliamentary elections. That the present United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) should be continued during and after the elections. That he (Rajapaksa) should head the Nomination Board of the UPFA that would select candidates. Not to dissolve Pradeshiya Sabhas. (Their terms, which were to expire in March has been extended by Local Government Minister Karu Jayasuriya till May 15). These Sabhas are to be brought under Special Commissioners. A major support base for Rajapaksa comprises members of these Sabhas. They will not be able to use the Sabha resources if they are dissolved. To stop the "witch hunt" against UPFA members and rescind the Gazette notification which enables supervision of investigations by Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The demands had been cleverly designed to drive a wedge between Sirisena and his main partner, the UNP. At one point during the discussion Sirisena was to politely point out that he could not heed any of those demands. Those were matters for the party's Central Committee to decide. "Ehenam kathakarala vedak nehe (or there is no point in talking)," declared Rajapaksa whilst making movements that he was preparing to leave. "Ehenam yanna" (or leave then), replied Sirisena. Of course, Rajapaksa stayed put. As the talks ended, it became clear that there was a paradoxical situation -- for Rajapaksa it was not unification of the party that was at issue. His line was to aggravate issues within the party and corner Sirisena. He had become vulnerable. On the other hand, the latter was posturing to show he was for party unity and wanted to hear Rajapaksa, a kind of show to demonstrate to party cadres that all was well. However, within his own mind, he disliked the meeting, said a source close to the President. Rajapaksa's call to halt anti-corruption investigations appears comical. He and his allies claim the investigations were being done on the direction of Premier Wickremesinghe to drive a wedge within the SLFP. That was far from reality. The Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) probes have largely focused on Rajapaksa's close allies. It is no doubt creditable that Prime Minister Wickremesinghe initiated the move to set up the FCID -- a proposal which won the approval of the Cabinet of Ministers. It is the Cabinet which mandated him to head a sub-committee to overlook the work of the Anti-Corruption Secretariat. In addition, Sirisena has now directed that an announcement be made that the public could make complaints directly to the AntiCorruption Committee or the FCID itself. However, Premier Wickremesinghe's efforts have been vitiated to some extent by the Treasury bond scandal involving the Central Bank's new Governor Arjun Mahendran. A credible inquiry would have obviated such a situation. That it was not done has irreparably damaged the UNP's credibility in the trade, commerce and financial sector, and is now spreading to the general public even in the rural areas.

Last Wednesday evening, just hours after the meeting with Rajapaksa, Sirisena drove to the official bungalow of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga at Independence Avenue for a meeting with her. He briefed her on the outcome of his talks with Rajapaksa. Later that night, Sirisena turned up at an Avurudu dinner hosted by Premier Wickremesinghe at the Taj Samudra for ministers and their deputies. Kumaratunga too took part. Two notable absentees were Ministers Pavithra Wanniaratchchi and Dilan Perera. Other Ministers and their deputies surrounded Sirisena to find out what had transpired during his talks earlier that day. Full of smiles, he briefed them on a few episodes.

Claims, particularly from the Rajapaksa faction, that another meeting would take place after the Central Committee discusses the issue, were dismissed by sources close to Sirisena. "Now that he has heard what Rajapaksa had to say, the matter has ended there. His priority now would be to strengthen the SLFP," a source said. The remarks indicated that Sirisena now prefers to field candidates for the parliamentary elections on the SLFP ticket instead of promoting the UPFA, a cause for the increasingly hostile attitude by some of Rajapaksa allies.

Sirisena has made clear to leaders of the UNP-dominated Government that he would dissolve Parliament no sooner it approves the 20A which encompasses the electoral reforms. It is likely to be presented as an "Urgent Bill" since the Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa has still not signed his assent to 19A where new provisions have ended the practice of presenting such Bills. However, a prolonged debate on the shape and form of 20A continues. On Friday, smaller minority party representatives met at the Water's Edge in Battaramulla to discuss their demand for a more acceptable electoral reform package. Those taking part included the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).

Yesterday, the JVP held a lengthy discussion with President Sirisena on issues related to the electoral reforms. Its leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake protested over the shift in Sirisena's stance over elections. "He told us he would dissolve Parliament on May 5 after 19A was passed. He now says electoral reforms would have to be approved," Dissanayake told the Sunday Times. This is the result of pressure being brought to bear on him by Opposition Leader Nimal Siripla de Silva and others who did not endorse the people's mandate, he charged. President Sirisena should fulfil the promise he gave us and the UNP, Dissanayake added pointing out that the "new policy appears to be to defeat Rajapaksa." He said "unfortunately, the UNP will support any proposal at this time to make way for dissolution." Sirisena told them that if there was no accord on electroal reforms, he would brief the Cabinet of Ministers on Wednesday and dissolve Parliament.

Party leaders will meet in the coming week to discuss these reforms and reach a finality. As revealed in our front page report, the idea now is to adopt 20A with the electoral reforms but conduct the parliamentary elections under the existing system. The 20A is to be made effective by the Government that will be voted to office at the elections. Sirisena plans to hold polls at least by July this year. The delay is particularly in the light of the comments from Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya that new electoral reforms would take at least a year to make them effective. Time is needed not only to carry out delimitation work but also to educate officials and the voters on the salient features.

Under these circumstances, the battle at the upcoming parliamentary polls would be one between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP). Now that his demands, despite claims to the contrary, have been literally shelved by Sirisena, the question is what Rajapaksa and his allies would do. At least over 50 sitting UPFA parliamentarians were present at a rally in Kurunegala to urge that Rajapaksa be made the prime ministerial candidate. Is time running out for him and his allies as the Government intensifies different investigations? Or is he hell bent on breaking up the SLFP? Amidst the campaign in favour of Rajapaksa, none other than the US Secretary of State John Kerry has offered to help restore to Sri Lanka the stolen assets of leaders of the previous regime. Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera told a news conference on Thursday that Rajapaksa and his family had stashed away US$ 18 billion dollars in overseas accounts.

Rajapaksa denied the accusations and declared in a statement that he was consulting lawyers. Quite clearly, the Government is set to destroy the credibility of Rajapaksa, his family members and supporters ahead of the election. A top level media committee has already been formed to formulate strategy in this regard. Both Premier Wickremesinghe and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga are among members. Forging another political alliance under such circumstances would become a difficult task for Rajapaksa. The UNP thus finds itself in an unassailable position. Yet, in the more than 100 days of rule, it has also shot itself in the foot on a few occasions. The UNP would have to put that smoking gun away and rectify its mistakes before time runs out.