S poll crucial for Lanka
Rty secretaries apparently List nominees International Crisis Group says resolution of ethnic issue depends on what happens at elections
Basil Rajapaksa responded to the reference when he spoke to a senior SLFPer. "I am happy President Sirisena has not found fault with the former President and only placed the blame on me," he said. Noting that Sirisena's letter has been carefully worded to ensure there was no conflict with the Constitutional provisions, he also cited an earlier instance. He told the SLFPer how a similar letter from former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was delivered to Mahinda Rajapaksa at Temple Trees in 2005 when he was Prime Minister. Though it was handed over at midnight, that letter was never released to the media and its contents are still not public, he added.
Here are some salient features in Sirisena's letter to Rajapaksa: "…….During the three meetings we had in the past seven months and the telephone conversation two days prior to the signing of the nominations for the Kurunegala district, I emphasised that you should not contest the elections as I was prepared to take the responsibility of leading and directing the party's campaign to victory. But, as soon as you signed the nomination papers that hope went away. If you had not decided to contest the elections, I had the capability of taking the leadership to attract the youth, professionals, the middle class in the urban areas, civil society, political parties, the Tamils and the Muslims who supported me at the Presidential elections.
"I had no intention of removing you from politics by telling you not to contest elections. I proposed certain constitutional provisions under which you could have continued your political future respectfully. I am aware that most of your family members were agreeable to that. But you rejected these proposals without any love or feelings towards the SLFP as you became a prisoner of small parties and groups which were linked to the UPFA. These groups were only looking to enter parliament by exploiting your political value of gaining votes. ……. As a result, it is sad to see the disadvantage to some of our senior members in the race for preferential votes……
"……..Didn't you see that the extremism you nurtured contributed to your defeat on January 8 by identifying the party as representing only the Sinhala Buddhists? A great party does not deserve this. I now have that responsibility of clearing that image to show that we do not represent a particular ethnic group or religion. But aren't you surrounded by persons who spread racism trying to increase their preference votes. They are not SLFPers. They should not be allowed to control the party or its members. When you were President, you repeatedly said that there is no majority community and a minority community………Those who are trying to exploit your political ability to gain votes and keep on praising you, call me secretly or send me messages through their emissaries that after the Parliamentary elections they are prepared to join me to continue their politics. They are requesting portfolios to protect their political future. Some of them who have accepted portfolios earlier and show that they are faithful to you are projecting some of the candidates as enemies of the party and damaging their credibility…….
"….. I appeal to you to show flexibility, cooperation, give your blessings and make a sacrifice for the sake of the SLFP and the people of the country in naming the Prime Minister by allowing me to name one among Nimal Siripala de Silva, John Seneviratne, Chamal Rajapaksa, Athauda Seneviratne, A.H.M.Fowzie, Susil Premajayantha and Anura Priyadharshana Yapa. It is hilarious to see you have been visiting temples to receive blessings since you were defeated on January 8. I have doubts your visits to temples have gained you spirituality and good thoughts, because I am aware of the manner you acted in the period from January 26, 2010 to November 21, 2014. During private meetings with our party members and discussions you have been speaking with hatred. I appeal to you not to make statements that spread racism and promote divisions in the party for the UPFA to gain higher number of seats at the upcoming elections……" Party rift in the north With regard to polls in the North, the Northern Province Chief Minister, C.V. Wigneswaran, issued a five-page statement in Tamil to voters, sparking off another controversy. An English translation said, among other matters, "First you must decide in your minds, for which party you are voting. That party should be one which could assure the individuality of our community and insist on its right to self-determination. It should be a party which is committed to the principles of our traditional homeland, individuality of the Tamil people, the right to self-determination of Tamils, even after the disaster of Mulliwaikkal. It should be a party which is not hesitating to seek justice for the genocide perpetrated against the Tamil people, and it should be a party that is firm in the matter of independent international investigation. It should be a party which will not compromise on things like honour, equality, and security. It should be a party which will undertake efficient rehabilitation work in the post-war context. It should be a party which will work with transparency, in finding out what happened to the people made out to have disappeared and for the release of political prisoners…." None of the 'commitments' Wigneswaran refers to are in the manifesto of his own party, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). Its leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan said, "I don't consider it necessary to comment on it."
International Crisis Group's report
On the eve of the elections, the International Crisis Group (ICG), whose goal is working to prevent conflict worldwide, has released a report titled "Sri Lanka between elections." It notes that "with the UPFA arguing the UNP threatens national security and supports Tamil separatism, the election will test the strength of Rajapaksa's brand of Sinhala nationalism, as well as the depth of public concern over corruption and abuses of power." Here are highlights of the executive summary with deletions made to conform to the guidelines of the Commissioner of Elections.
"…………With Sirisena opposing Rajapaksa's return, the parliamentary elections will test the continued appeal of the ex-president's hard-line Sinhala nationalism and give a chance for the fresh start that lasting solutions to the country's social divisions require.
"Before running out of steam in June, Sirisena's first six months saw notable achievements. Most important was Parliament's April passage of the nineteenth amendment to the constitution. Largely fulfilling the central pledge of the joint opposition campaign, it considerably reduced presidential powers and established independent oversight commissions. Though the original draft was watered down, the amendment is a welcome move away from authoritarianism and could assist in re-establishing the badly-damaged rule of law. As promised in their election manifesto, Sirisena and his UNP partners also launched scores of investigations into alleged major fraud and abuse of power by officials of the former government. While the unprecedented scale of the anti-corruption drive raised public expectations, the lack of indictments thus far has fed rumours of backroom deals and growing doubts that the institutional and political obstacles to effective prosecutions can ever be overcome.
"The bright hopes of the government's initial months were increasingly tarnished by unclear, ad hoc policies, frequently contradictory policy statements and missed deadlines for pledged reforms. As parliamentary elections, originally promised for June, were postponed, the coalition that elected Sirisena began to fragment. While the UNP and smaller parties urged him to dissolve parliament and hold elections after passage of the nineteenth amendment, he spent months trying and failing to win over the SLFP, whose nominal leadership he assumed after winning the presidency, following a decade of Rajapaksa at its helm.
"The SLFP, which has a large majority in parliament, resented Sirisena's unprecedented experiment with a "national government" dominated by its archrival UNP. Many SLFP parliamentarians remain loyal to Rajapaksa; ….
"Sirisena has since made it clear he opposes Rajapaksa's candidacy and will not appoint him prime minister, even if the UPFA wins an unlikely majority. The ex-president's opponents within the SLFP, along with smaller parties, have joined a new version of the UNP-led coalition that brought Sirisena victory in January, now re-energised by the threat of a Rajapaksa comeback…….. The SirisenaUNP government set a new, less Sinhala triumphalist tone on ethnic issues and took some steps for reconciliation: releasing a number of Tamil political prisoners and limited amounts of military-occupied land in Tamil areas, while reducing the presence, though not size, of the military and its involvement in governing the north and east. Despite growing frustration among many Tamils, larger moves have been put off until after elections, as has action on alleged war crimes by both the military and the defeated Tamil Tigers. The Government promises a credible domestic inquiry that meets international standards, but doubts about its willingness and ability to tackle institutionalised impunity and prosecute war crimes are widespread and well founded. Successful prosecutions require significant legal and institutional reforms and management of resistance from military leaders and nationalist parties.
"The UN Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) is due to deliver its longawaited war crimes report to the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) before it meets in September. At that session, the newly-elected government should commit to the legal reforms needed to effectively prosecute serious human rights violations suffered by all ethnic communities, including war crimes; to pursue prosecutions with adequate witness protection and international involvement; and to consult widely with victims, survivors and community groups on its longer-term program of transitional justice, including a possible truth commission.
".... A strong showing by the Rajapaksa-led UPFA, however, would complicate the president's plans to form a broad-based "national" government between the UNP, smaller parties and the reformist wing of the SLFP and place obstacles to further progress on much-needed governance reforms and reconciliation. Sri Lanka's chance to finally start on the road to a sustainable resolution of the country's decadeslong ethnic strife, including a negotiated political settlement, depends on the outcome." Polls preparations for tomorrow Security plans for tomorrow's polls have been formulated by the Police with the help of officials of the Department of Elections. From the time Police take up position at Polling Stations today until the start of polling tomorrow morning, only the Grama Niladhari of the area or his duly appointed agent will be allowed into the premises. Their task is to provide facilities and meals. Police have been told that impersonators, handed over to them by the Presiding Officers, should be kept in their custody, the required forms filled and then the alleged offenders handed over to mobile patrol units.
Candidates will be allowed to visit Polling Stations only one at a time. Police have been directed that others should be kept away if they seek entrance and only allowed when one candidate leaves. They have also been cautioned that under no circumstances should anyone carrying arms (other than Police officers on duty) be allowed. Police have also been told that Polling Stations are regarded as the entire premises and not just the area where the polls is conducted. No person within half a kilometre of a Polling Station can canvass votes, solicit the vote of an elector, persuade any voter not to cast their vote or distribute material relating to the elections.
The two major contenders -- the UPFA and the UNP -- were both confident of victory at tomorrow's polls. So are the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) in the North and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the south. While there was relatively less violence, the outcome would be of crucial importance to Sri Lanka.