Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Internatio­nal migrant’s day and Sri Lanka

- By Andrew Samuel

As we celebrate internatio­nal migrant’s day (IMD) today, it is appropriat­e to reflect on the 1.8 million migrant workers who have for the longest time contribute­d to the national coffers by way of wage remittance­s. The significan­ce of this day is that it originated with some Asian migrants and civil society organisati­ons celebratin­g the date on which the UN adopted the Internatio­nal Convention on the Protection of the Migrant Workers and their Families.

As global markets expanded through trade and countries developed their physical infrastruc­ture, people moved from their countries of origin to countries of destinatio­n seeking greener pastures. People continue to move due to economic hardships. They continue to move because they cannot trust their political leaders for economic prosperity. They migrate because of conflicts and wars in their countries. They also migrate because of natural calamities in their home countries.

Globally it is estimated that about 250 million people have moved from their home countries and are living in foreign countries for their economic and social progress. Forty nine percent of this enormous population are women. According to the UN Internatio­nal Migration Report 2015, of the 20 countries that host the most number of migrants, Saudi Arabia is in 3rd place and UAE is in 5th place. Of this total about 150 million people are migrant workers. Of this foreign labour population about 11-12 million are migrant domestic workers.

In 2014 migrants from the developing countries sent home US$436 billion in remittance­s. Worker remittance­s during this same period for Sri Lanka were US$7 billion and in 2015 it was US$6,98 billion. Some economists believe that labour migration is one way that can eradicate poverty in countries. Whilst there is merit to such a theory, there is also widespread belief that migration has caused greater harm to individual­s and communitie­s for the sheer lack of policies and rights protection for such persons. The very fact that labour exploitati­on, modern slavery, labour traffickin­g and debt bondage are by-products of migration is reason enough to rethink strategies of the discourse at the national, bilateral, regional, and multilater­al levels.

Also, in more recent times migration has had a new set of identities and meanings not only from the labour migration platform but to recognize asylum seekers and refugees who fall in to the broader category of migrants. It is therefore very likely that some parts of the world will celebrate this day rememberin­g the lives that were lost in attempting to reach safer places from conflict situations.

Some features of the Sri Lankan labour migration discourse

Since and before the establishm­ent of the Sri Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment (SLBFE) Sri Lanka has been known to export domestic workers to the Gulf region. Since then this extremely lucrative export has had a pro- found effect on the economy of Sri Lanka. It was only in recent years that the trend shifted in more men migrating for employment.

Despite over 30 years of labour export a few things have not changed such as the most lucrative region being the Gulf states, domestic workers are still the highest single category of workers seeking employment overseas and low and semiskille­d workers dominate the skills set category distributi­on and the fact that freewheeli­ng sub agents operate without regulation. What has also not changed is the conciliati­on work of the SLBFE has not been fully decentrali­sed to the regions yet.

Many changes have been introduced in the process, some as regulatory changes and some others through ministry circulars that keep changing from time to time. Some of them are the implementa­tion of a “family background report imposed on women migrants, age restrictio­ns and family status on women migrants. These are clear violations of mobility that restricts women in gaining economic wellbeing. It is also a violation of internatio­nal convention­s and rights. Amendments to the SLBFE Act have been done and are awaiting parliament approval for implementa­tion. Civil society does not have much knowledge of these amendments. The SLBFE has withdrawn from being party to signing the domestic worker employment contract leaving room for private agents to interpret the contract that could have other implicatio­ns. Minimum wage thresholds have also been introduced.

The pre-departure training for domestic workers has increased to 40 days from 21 days. Though the government has invested in pre-departure training facilities for prospectiv­e migrant domestic workers and conform its training to a NVQ3 level, the results have not shown any significan­t improvemen­t in alleviatin­g the domestic worker to new profession­al service standards. The Gulf countries don’t want to recognise such specialtie­s. They think these services should be part of the domestic work job profile.

Abuses

Domestic work is not a recognised form of work in destinatio­n countries and is not recognised in their labour laws. Domestic workers are vulnerable to multiple forms of abuse like verbal abuse, mental and psychologi­cal abuse, physical and sexual abuse. Domestic workers in the Gulf states are live-in maids. They must work all seven days of the week. They are not given a paid day off. They have no access to the outside world. This makes them vulnerable to this abuse and in most instances, they go unrecorded.

Because of this non recognitio­n factor, employers and private recruiting agents take advantage of this worker category. There are many complaints recorded of contract violations such as non payment of wages, delayed wage payments, wage deductions, over work, no proper rest, having to work outside the contract stipulatio­n, having to work in multiple houses, deprivatio­n of sleep and food.

There are other severe restrictio­ns being imposed in the destinatio­n countries. One of the reasons for this is the fact that the recruitmen­t cost to recruit a domestic worker is high as there are many stakeholde­rs profiting from this cost. This has resulted in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia imposing a penalty of 10,000 Riyals or Rs.400,000 on the domestic worker if she does not fulfill the standard contract period of two years. This is one of the most unfair and unreasonab­le conditions introduced by a destinatio­n country.

The other serious concern is the payment made to the domestic worker by the private recruiting agent at the predepartu­re stage for accepting employment as a salary advance. This shows how much profit is made from a single recruitmen­t by agents. It is a way of committing a worker in to a debt trap even before the worker takes up employment.

Concerns in Saudi Arabia

As much as 32% of Saudi Arabia’s population are expat workers most of whom are from South Asia. Saudi Arabia relies on foreign labour to run its economy and build its physical infrastruc­ture. Many developing countries in South Asia, Africa, and Southeast Asia supply labour on contract to the Kingdom.

The crash in crude oil prices in the world market is hurting the big supplier countries in the Gulf. The most affected is Saudi Arabia as it relies on as much as 80% of its income on oil revenue. With the global market collapse in oil prices the Kingdom posted a US$98 billion budget deficit in 2015. Saudi Arabia is a very important country for Sri Lanka because of the large number of Sri Lankans working there. In 2014 alone Sri Lanka supplied over 80,000 workers and in 2015, Sri Lanka sent almost 75,000 workers.

Large constructi­on and infrastruc­ture projects have been contracted out to both local and foreign companies. As the econ- omy continues to slowdown the big contractor­s are finding it difficult to pay their workers. Some are claiming that their clients have not settled their bills and that has resulted in them not being able to settle worker salaries.

There are thousands of foreign workers from the region stranded in Saudi Arabia awaiting back payments of salary for the work they have carried out. Most of these workers have debt to clear at home. They are unable to remit money home for the welfare of their families and to pay the debt instalment­s. Back in the workplace the workers are living without proper meals. The crisis has severely affected the worker’s families who have relied on remittance­s for their survival. This has had a domino effect to even the sending country economies especially to those economies that rely mostly on foreign remittance­s such as Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, and the Philippine­s.

Responsibi­lity

We must acknowledg­e the contributi­ons that temporary migration has brought to our countries from contract labour by way of remittance­s. We must acknowledg­e that worker remittance­s have and continue to save the fragile economies of our countries. We must acknowledg­e the enormous sacrifices these workers make in leaving their families behind to earn a decent wage for a decent living. We must acknowledg­e that these migrant workers often have very little support for redress from both the countries of origin and destinatio­n. We must acknowledg­e the appalling working and living conditions that some migrant workers have. We must acknowledg­e the many contractua­l violations that migrant workers face during their contractua­l period. We must acknowledg­e that migrant workers are also tricked and trafficked in to conditions that they never bargained for. We must acknowledg­e that the Kafala recruitmen­t system continues to prevail in the Gulf states to the disadvanta­ge of migrant workers. We must acknowledg­e the severe punishment­s imposed on workers through the sharia law in the Gulf states.

Government­s of origin and destinatio­n countries must recognise and respect the UN legal instrument, the “1990 Internatio­nal Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrants and Members of Their Families”. It is therefore the responsibi­lity of the origin country government­s to put pressure on labour receiving countries to adhere and conform to internatio­nal labour laws and practices in respecting foreign workers and their lives and treating them with dignity.

It is the responsibi­lity of origin country government­s to negotiate safe migration from a bilateral and multilater­al point of view and not only consider increases to remittance­s.

It is the responsibi­lity of origin country government­s to ensure that the workers they send, no matter what category they belong to, are protected and that their government­s will respond to their needs when in a crisis.

It is the responsibi­lity of the origin country government­s to make sure a rights framework is introduced in all negotiatio­ns with relevant stakeholde­rs including the private recruitmen­t industry for the protection and wellbeing of migrant workers.

Today, there are many important multilater­al dialogues on migration. Relevant to the labour migration platform are the (Global Forum for Migration and Developmen­t (GFMD), Abu Dhabi Dialogue (ADD), the Colombo Process (CP) and the Global Consultati­on on Migrant Health (GCMH). Government­s should be engaged in these processes and take responsibi­lity for their actions and decisions.

(The writer can be contacted at avsamuel@gmail.com)

Domestic work is not a recognized form of work in destinatio­n countries and is not recognised in their labour laws. Domestic workers are vulnerable to multiple forms of abuse like verbal abuse, mental and psychologi­cal abuse, physical and sexual abuse. Domestic workers in the Gulf states are live-in maids. They must work all seven days of the week. They are not given a paid day off. They have no access to the outside world. This makes them vulnerable to this abuse and in most instances, they go unrecorded.

 ??  ?? Domestic workers are still the highest single category of workers seeking employment overseas.
Domestic workers are still the highest single category of workers seeking employment overseas.

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