Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

Stay awake: Dictators’ dreams are nightmares for people

Strengthen­ing the Executive presidency with a two-thirds majority may lead to erosion of democracy and constituti­onal checks and balances

- By Priyanee Wijesekera ( The writer is a retired Secretary General of Parliament and former ambassador to Austria.)

It is election time once again and the President’s party is seeking a twothirds majority for the purpose of establishi­ng a stable Government by amending the Constituti­on to strengthen the Executive Presidency. A Constituti­on is a document which guarantees the rights of a citizen by limiting the powers of the Government. The history of the British Constituti­on is one of centuries of conflict by which the common people wrested power away from the all-powerful monarch. The history of liberty is the history of limitation of Government­al power; not the increase of it.

A dictator’s idea of paradise is where he has absolute state powers and no critics. His idea of a patriotic citizen is one who is loyal to himself; not one who pledges allegiance to the country.

Different constituti­ons have different ways of dividing the powers of the state. Most constituti­ons divide the powers of the state vertically, according to the classic French concept of separation of powers, into the three main branches of Government, i. e, the Executive, the Legislatur­e and the Judiciary. State power is horizontal­ly divided by devolution, i.e, by the allocation of certain powers to sub-national units. To concentrat­e all powers in one individual is what is called a dictatorsh­ip.

Since the enactment of the second Republican Constituti­on of Sri Lanka in 1978, almost every election manifesto pledged to abolish the all-powerful executive presidency establishe­d thereby. Over the decades, the powers of the executive presidency and the central Government were gradually reduced. The 13th Amendment devolved certain powers to the provincial councils while the 17th Amendment diluted the grip of the Executive President in the appointmen­t of officers to certain vital positions in the state services by the creation of a Constituti­onal Council and a number of independen­t commission­s.

The 18th Amendment reversed this trend and in fact made the Executive President more powerful than under the original constituti­on in 1978. It abolished term limits for the President and replaced the Constituti­onal Council with a “Parliament­ary Council”.

Main features of 19A

The 19th Amendment was enacted at a time when democracy was greatly weakened by the 18th Amendment. The main features of the 19th Amendment should be carefully assessed to figure whether it in fact destabilis­es the state.

The most important feature of the 19th Amendment is the restoratio­n of the Presidenti­al term limits. Political power is highly addictive and most people who have once tasted such authority would not like to surrender its powers and privileges. A dictator’s greed to hold political power permanentl­y may not be confined to his lifetime, but may extend even to his descendant­s. It is in recognitio­n of this human failing that most national constituti­ons contain term limits for the head of state purely as a safeguard against perpetuati­ng dictatoria­l tendencies.

The 1978 Constituti­on originally prescribed a maximum of two six- year terms for the Executive President. The 18th Amendment was introduced by the very persons who once howled in horror about the evils of the executive presidency and pledged to abolish the odious office. Instead the 18th Amendment abolished the term limits, thereby enabling the President to contest for any number of times.

The Executive President enjoys total immunity from legal action during his term of office. If such a person was to hold the office for life anyone who is aggrieved by his acts would have no remedy before the law.

The 19th Amendment restored the term limits and also reduced the duration of the term to five years. It also introduced a disqualifi­cation for dual citizens to contest elections.

The 19th Amendment also removed the sole discretion of the Executive President to dissolve Parliament at his whim and fancy. The Parliament is elected by the people for five years and giving the right to the President to dissolve it arbitraril­y is a challenge to the will of the people. Discretion­ary powers should only be used with a sound rational foundation. The tendency for an all-powerful President to abuse his power is illustrate­d by the dissolutio­n of Parliament in 2001 (a mere year after it was elected) for no valid reason. Even after the enactment of the 19th Amendment, the President in October 2018, in an act of supreme contempt for the Constituti­on, attempted to dissolve Parliament thus violating the Constituti­on he solemnly vowed to uphold at the beginning of his term of office.

However, the President still retains the right to prorogue Parliament. Prorogatio­n is a temporary recess of Parliament particular­ly after a heavy session of work. Even this power has been abused by the Presidents in the past. In 2001, Parliament was prorogued to frustrate an attempt to impeach the Chief Justice and in 2018 it was prorogued to give time for the President to entice members of the governing party to defect to the opposition thus effecting a change of Government and also to prevent the introducti­on of a no- confidence motion against the newly appointed illegitima­te Prime Minister.

Therefore, it would be appropriat­e for future constituti­onal reformers to consider whether prorogatio­n should be done on a resolution of Parliament or on the advice of the Speaker.

The 19th Amendment also restored the Constituti­onal Council which was originally establishe­d by the 17th Amendment. Its role is to advice the President on making appointmen­ts to the independen­t commission­s and important government positions. It originally consisted of a certain number of Parliament­arians and a majority of civil society members. The 18th Amendment restored the grip the President had in making these appointmen­ts. It created a “Parliament­ary Council” which was no different to just another Parliament­ary Committee consisting exclusivel­y of Parliament­arians. The “Parliament­ary Council” could only make its observatio­ns within one week and if such observatio­ns were adverse it would be of no consequenc­e because the President could disregard them.

The 19th Amendment restored the Constituti­onal Council but with a majority of Parliament­arians. However the persons recommende­d for appointmen­t by this council could be appointed even without the consent of the President. The President can also not appoint persons to the independen­t commission­s unless approved by the council.

To abolish the Constituti­onal Council would be to re- invest the Executive President with absolute and unquestion­ed authority to fill all vital positions in the government including judges of the superior courts.

The 1978 Constituti­on had the right to free speech, expression and publicatio­n

A dictator’s idea of paradise is where he has absolute state powers and no critics. His idea of a patriotic citizen is one who is loyal to himself; not one who pledges allegiance to the country.

as a fundamenta­l right. The 19th Amendment introduced the right to informatio­n as a constituti­onal right. Government informatio­n shrouded in secrecy leads to suspicion and thereby becomes a breeding ground for fake news and increased tension. Giving the citizen the right to Government informatio­n makes for a sunshine Government. Should this right be removed it would be a severe blow to the democratic rights of the citizen.

Under the 19th Amendment the President continues to be the head of the Cabinet but is legally obliged to consult the Prime Minister in determinin­g the number of Cabinet and non- Cabinet Ministers and the assignment of subjects to them. Furthermor­e the President’s right to dismiss the Prime Minister or any Minister at his will was removed. Under the 19th Amendment, the President is also not entitled to hold any Ministeria­l portfolio. However, he continues to hold considerab­le executive powers, particular­ly the right to appoint secretarie­s to ministries, governors of the provinces and ambassador­s.

A stable Parliament

While the legislatur­e is entrusted with lawmaking, oversight of the executive and the control of public finance, the executive has the powers of administer­ing the laws and running the Government. The function of the judiciary is to determine whether the laws are properly administer­ed. Therefore, the separation of powers is a system of checks and balances to ensure that powers are not abused.

The proportion­al representa­tion system in elections is also tied to the executive presidency. It tends to prevent the formation of steam-roller majorities and is a check on the uncontroll­ed abuse of power by a President. An Executive President who is supported by a massive majority in Parliament has a blank cheque to abuse power. It may be a dictator’s dream of a stable government but it has all the potential of being a nightmare for the citizens.

Parliament and other representa­tive assemblies exist as a safeguard against executive abuse of power. Parliament is not a mere matter of proving numbers. It is a place where peoples’ hopes and fears are spotlighte­d for the attention of the Government. Therefore, a parliament that can be manipulate­d by the Executive President, supported by a massive majority is not a strong legislatur­e.

In October 2018, we had the unpleasant experience of an Executive President breaching the Constituti­on. First, he used his discretion­ary power to prorogue Parliament for the blatantly illegal purpose of buying time to entice Government members to cross over to the opposition to alter the power balance. It was also to prevent a motion of no confidence being brought against the illegally appointed Prime Minister. His efforts were frustrated by the Speaker who firmly upheld the rights of Parliament.

His efforts being thus frustrated, he proceeded to directly violate the Constituti­on by dissolving Parliament. However, the Supreme Court which has the ultimate jurisdicti­on in constituti­onal matters struck down the dissolutio­n as invalid.

Therefore, those who rush to condemn the Constituti­on and the 19th Amendment would do well to ponder whether something is wrong with the Constituti­on or whether something is clearly wrong with those who violate it.

No Constituti­on can be perfect. It has to be admitted that the second Republican Constituti­on with its 19th Amendment may have certain shortcomin­gs. While these can be identified and corrected, it requires the constant vigilance of the citizen in safeguardi­ng their civic rights. The Constituti­on itself cannot guarantee the success of democracy. It is spine chilling to recall how that masterpiec­e of statecraft, the Weimar Constituti­on of Germany, could not prevent the emergence of a brutal monster in the shape of Adolf Hitler who, in the guise of a saviour, led the country to destructio­n.

It is the duty of the citizens to give serious thought to the gravity of the choice before them and what the country stands to lose. The strengthen­ing of the Executive Presidency is one side of the coin, the other being a slavish legislatur­e and a helpless judiciary.

The stability of a nation is based on a sound economy where wealth and opportunit­ies are equitably distribute­d, where people are cultured and where the law reigns supreme.

Therefore, in attempting to repeal the 19th Amendment it should be remembered that it was the fragile thread on which the civic rights of over 20 million people hung when the former President, hell- bent on destroying constituti­onal government in Sri Lanka, created an unnecessar­y crisis in October 2018.

 ??  ?? Because of the 19th amendment, the threat to democracy following the 2018 constituti­onal coup was neutralise­d
Because of the 19th amendment, the threat to democracy following the 2018 constituti­onal coup was neutralise­d

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