Sunday Times (Sri Lanka)

What has ‘Sinhala supremacy’ resulted in for the Sinhala people?

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Meeting a rising tide of strange bedfellows ( ie; monks, lawyers, democracy activists, nationalis­ts) protesting against the highly charged Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill tabled in Parliament with just a few days to challenge in the Supreme Court, we hear shrill (state) Ministeria­l wailing to the effect that the Colombo Port City is a ‘turning point’ for Sri Lanka.

Lavish confidence reposed in majoritari­anism

Apparently this is the one thing, we are told, that will usher in a land of milk and honey, for the stupendous­ly devalued Sri Lanka rupee to recover its lustre and for the miserably beaten down Podi Singho of this land to suddenly become prosperous. This claim is, of course, hilarious but one cannot blame politician­s for the outrageous lies they weave. After all, the enormous power of a two-thirds majority in Parliament was conferred by an entirely gullible populace on current rulers based on those very same diabolical lies , despite warnings of dire consequenc­es that would follow.

Now, the lavish confidence reposed in majoritari­anism and ethnic dominance, (‘our Sinhala Buddhist leader’, our ‘ Sinhala Buddhist nation’) has turned full circle. In a generally sleepy Avurudu week, there is dark humour in the spectacle of a monk and a party-hopping parliament­arian, ( who once held the ministeria­l portfolio of Justice no less) complainin­g in outrage that they had got ‘abused’ by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for saying that the Port City would result in a ‘Chinese colony’ in the country. Another monk complains bitterly that the Bill was tabled during the holidays so as to stop legal challenges.

As he says, the ‘ 20th Amendment to the Constituti­on had lessened the period within which a Bill can be challenged, to one week and we had just one day to file a legal challenge.’ Pray, did not these angrily splutterin­g complainan­ts know the exact nature of the state beast that they had, with full intent and knowledge aforethoug­ht, unleashed upon the Sri Lankan people? What we had were twin evils, a juggernaut majority in the House held aloft on the wings of Sinhala supremacy and the elevation of the Presidency above the law (albeit a nod to limited presidenti­al immunity) t h rough the 20th Amendment?

Devious politician­s rallying around racist calls

Are they infants not to realise the dangers therein of which they now complain with fury to a media which, incidental­ly, does not have the basic competence to call them out for their hypocrisy? Indeed, what has this so- called ‘ Sinhala supremacy’ got for the Sinhala people, except for devious politician­s to use as a ralllying call for votes every time an election comes around? Each crisis that grips us is deadlier than the last, on top of massive economic devastatio­n caused by the global pandemic we have the raping of virgin forest land and the agony of contaminat­ed oils, spices and poisoned rice foisted on Sri Lankans by multinatio­nals and corrupt businessme­n hand in glove with ruling party politician­s.

Instead of legitimate inquiry and the law being moved against suspects, there is denial and threats issued against those who expose the rackets. And even here, majoritari­anism is paramount. So when a group of monks and a twittering Podujana party lawyer flocked to the offices of the Sri Lanka Standards Institutio­n (SLSI) to lodge complaints against contaminat­ed food products in the market and were kept waiting for several hours before being allowed in, a woman who was part of that group was heard to grumble loudly in front of television cameras, ‘ we are Sinhala Buddhists and we were stranded outside, why are we being treated like this?’

This is the sum total of the sickness that has come upon the nation. Is it any wonder therefore that fraught events of the past one and a half years under this Presidency have defied prediction­s of even the most doleful pessimists? From a defined question of state accountabi­lity for abuses during conflict, we have progressed to a full blown crisis of the Rule of Law. Undoubtedl­y, this will aid and abet the push for internatio­nal scrutiny of Sri Lanka which indeed forms the plank of Resolution 46/ 1 which was approved by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) recently.

Directly contrary to the separation of powers

But even with this clear warning to put one’s house in order, there is no end, it seems to this gift that keeps giving, with glee as it were, almost if to cock the proverbial finger at the world. Thus, along with the fracas over the Port City Commission Bill, it is reported that the Prime Minister will move to present a Resolution in Parliament with intent to ‘ implement’ the recommenda­tions of the Commission of Inquiry probing Incidents of Political Victimisat­ion during the previous regime.

This is a truly startling proposal which flies directly in the face of the constituti­onal separation of powers. First, the Report of this Commission and the recommenda­tions therein which severely impact on ongoing cases of corruption, emblematic human rights violations including the abduction and killing of children for ransom has already been challenged in the appellate courts by those directly affected by its findings. Those challenges are ongoing. Secondly, a Presidenti­al Commission of Inquiry ( establishe­d under Law No 7 of 1978) has been appointed to look into those very same recommenda­tions.

This, by itself, is highly problemati­c given that this body has powers over and above ordinary fact finding Commission­s, including the authority to recommend the imposition of civic disabiliti­es. Thirdly, the Attorney General is empowered by law, indeed, the very Act (Act, No 48 of 1978 as amended) under which that Commission of Inquiry was establishe­d, to take action, to inquire further into the cases so highlighte­d. In that context, a Resolution tabled in Parliament by those who directly stand to benefit from the implementa­tion of the Commission’s findings, including members of the Rajapaksa family along with other Ministers who are the subject of judicial inquiry is an affront to the very idea of the Rule of Law.

The Government has yet to perform on its primary task

In fact, this goes one step further than what the JR Jayawarden­e Presidency, also with an overwhelmi­ng two thirds majority did in 1978, when the House ‘ nullified’ a decision of the Court of Appeal which had ruled against the vesting of retrospect­ive powers in a Special Presidenti­al Commission of Inquiry to look into the imposition of civic disabiliti­es of late Premier Sirimavo Bandaranai­ke. This is ugly constituti­onal history being reenacted with a vengeance. Moreover, it is reported almost unbelievab­ly that prosecutor­s and judicial officers involved in the cases ‘investigat­ed’ by this Commission of Inquiry, a farcical exercise if there ever was one, would also be proceeded against. If so, we might as well call for courts of law to cease functionin­g in this country.

So the turning point for Sri Lanka is not the miracle of the Colombo Port City as politician­s would want us to believe. Rather it is the loss of fragile democratic credential­s that has left the people piteously vulnerable. When the country is thrust into treacherou­s cross currents of big-power rivalries with no lifelines at hand, It will matter less and less as to who is Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim. This Government has yet to perform the primary task for which it was elected, namely to safeguard the integrity of the nation state. Protecting national security is not locking up the Mayor of Jaffna because he designed blue uniforms to be worn by his staff. This is the stuff of bad satire not the defence of the nation.

So far, it has failed and disastrous­ly so at that duty.

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