A welcome break in the amnesty bill row

‘My objective is to bring Thaksin home. If this is not successful, I will be the only person to be held accountable. That’s OK. I can be taken anywhere and beheaded. I am not afraid because I have already made up my mind and will tour the country, including the South, to [solicit support for the reconciliation bill]. But I chose to come to Isan first, and if you people agree with me, please give me applause. . .’’

So said Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, as he addressed a crowd of more than 20,000 red shirts in Udon Thani on Friday. He vowed to bring former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra home before the New Year.

A few days earlier, Pheu Thai Party legal adviser Piraphan Palusuk was quoted as saying: ‘‘Even the monitor lizard [ hia in Thai] wants reconciliation.’’ Clearly, he was referring to Mr Chalerm’s bill and an incident in parliament when a monitor lizard was found hidden under the roof of the building, prompting a call for help from Dusit Zoo officials to catch the reptile.

Mr Chalerm’s reconciliation bill seeks to grant a blanket amnesty to all facing charges, on trial or already convicted for their alleged involvement in antigovernment protests since the Thaksin regime, including ordinary protesters of different political shades as well as government leaders and military commanders who were responsible for the crackdown on the protesters.

All cases investigated by the Assets Scrutiny Committee which are still pending or already ruled on by the court are to be dropped or invalidated.

Kwanchai Praipana, leader of the independent Rak Udon group of red shirts, who was instrumental in staging the rally to solicit support for Mr Chalerm’s reconciliation bill, proudly told the crowd that he, like Mr Chalerm, was a servant of Thaksin and his mission is to bring Thaksin home as a free man.

I simply can’t imagine how Thaksin can resist not loving or appreciating these selfless followers who, as he earlier urged, were ready to go all out ‘‘to the end of the soi’’, no matter the consequences, to realise the fugitive’s home-coming dream. They will not let their boss ‘‘drift endlessly and freeze in the sea’’.

Many Pheu Thai MPs disagree with Mr Chalerm’s bill for fear that it will provoke protests from the government’s opponents.

It was deemed a financial bill, until it was changed, and faced criticism from the opposition as merely a means to pave the way for Thaksin to claim the 46 billion baht seized from him by the court.

Mr Chalerm and his supporters want the reconciliation bill to be moved forward as an urgent issue to be deliberated simultaneously with the amnesty bill proposed by Pheu Thai MP Worachai Hema and already endorsed by the party.

Pheu Thai list MP Cherdchai Tantisirin said it was easier said than done to move the bill forward and suggested that it could wait for another two years. He then cited Thaksin’s recent remark that he was not in a hurry to come home and voiced his support for Mr Worachai’s amnesty bill.

Mr Worachai’s bill seeks to absolve the rank-and-file protesters and lowranking officials of all wrongdoing.

These Pheu Thai MPs might not have a full grasp of Thaksin’s phone-in message on May 19 to mark the 3rd anniversary of the May 19, 2010, military crackdown on red-shirt protesters.

Although Thaksin gave the go-ahead for Mr Worachai’s amnesty bill, he did not mention anything about Mr Chalerm’s bill which was, indeed, a smart move.

Rejecting Mr Chalerm’s bill in front of tens of thousands of red shirts rallying at Ratchaprasong on May 19 would have been a big slap in the face for the deputy prime minister. It would not be the way to reward a faithful servant like Mr Chalerm.

On the other hand, endorsing Mr Chalerm’s bill publicly would only have proved right the suspicion held by critics and Thaksin’s opponents that the bill was meant for the sole benefit of the fugitive.

So, the best way for Thaksin to deal with this controversial bill was to keep his silence — which was exactly what he did. Apparently, Thaksin has given Mr Chalerm and his supporters a free hand to push ahead with the reconciliation bill in parallel with the amnesty bill of which he is openly supportive.

He will intervene to put a stop to Mr Chalerm’s attempt only when there is fierce resistance from his opponents to the extent that it may threaten the stability of the government run by his sister, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra.

This has always been his favourite tactic — continue to probe the strengths or weaknesses of his opponents. If they are strong, he will beat a retreat, albeit temporarily. And if they are weak, he will push harder until his goal is fulfilled.

The People’s Alliance for Democracy will meet today to discuss its moves on the reconciliation and amnesty bills. Weakened by internal conflict which led to the departure of some former leaders — namely Suriyasai Katasila — and the loss of trust of many followers in leaders such as Sondhi Limthongkul, it is doubtful that the yellow-shirt movement will be able to mobilise mass support for its cause.

The same also applies to other antigovernment groups such as the multicoloured group and Thai Spring, recently founded by retired police general Vasit Dejkunchorn and Thammasat University lecturer and former ASC member Kaewsan Atibodi.

Meanwhile, the Constitution Court is considering a petition filed by a group of senators against the Pheu Thai Party for allegedly attempting to topple the constitution through the proposed amendment to Section 68 of the charter. A unfavourable finding could result in the dissolution of the ruling party.

But for the time being, we can still breathe a sigh of relief as the real showdown will not happen until August when parliament resumes after a prolonged recess and the bills are back on the floor for debate.