Bangkok Post

Threats remain 5 years after collapse

- ANDREW HAMMOND Andrew Hammond is an associate partner at Reputation Inc. He was formerly a special adviser to the UK government, and also a senior geopolitic­s consultant at Oxford Analytica.

September 2008, the month Lehman Brothers went bust, was the time when many began to appreciate the severity of the internatio­nal financial crisis. With much of the banking system shaken to its core, it was clear that the consequenc­es could be profound, and not just economical­ly.

In February 2009, US director of National Intelligen­ce Adm Dennis Blair asserted that ‘‘the financial crisis and global recession are likely to produce a wave of economic crises’’, and, remarkably, that ‘‘the primary US security concern is now the destabilis­ing global political fallout’’. Then-secretary of state Hillary Clinton also argued that ‘‘this economic crisis, left unresolved . . .will upend government­s, [and] it will unfortunat­ely breed instabilit­y’’.

Five years on, there has indeed been significan­t political disruption across the world. However, this instabilit­y has had diverse origins, and the degree to which the financial crisis has been a driver has varied from country to country.

Many government­s have unquestion­ably lost office, in part, because of economic downturn and/or austerity measures. In Europe alone, millions have taken to the streets and administra­tions in more than half of the 27 EU states fell or were voted out of office from spring 2010 to 2012 alone. Within the core Eurozone, 11of 14 government­s collapsed or were turfed out during that same two years.

More eye-catching has been the political revolution­s, popular uprisings and protests in emerging markets. This spans June’s demonstrat­ions in Brazil (the largest in the country for two decades) through to the remarkable developmen­ts in North Africa and the Middle East, including the civil war in Syria which now occupies much internatio­nal attention; revolution­ary changes of power in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya; transfer of power in Yemen; plus demonstrat­ions and uprisings in Turkey, Iran, Algeria, Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco and Oman.

This disparate range of political instabilit­y, from Rio to Athens to Cairo, has reportedly been described as ‘‘a revolution­ary wave, like 1848’’ by Sir Nigel Inkster, former director of operations for the UK Secret Intelligen­ce Service. Others have compared the situation to 1914, 1968 and 1989.

Whatever the validity of these historical analogies, it is clear that there are some factors new to the post-2008 period, including the role of social media. Moreover, this socalled ‘‘wave’’ of political instabilit­y has diverse origins with economic issues not the only driver.

Thus, unrest in the Middle East has often stemmed from deep-seated political and socio-economic discontent that pre-dates the financial crisis. Post-2008, however, factors including liquidity crunches, increased food prices and unemployme­nt spikes have exacerbate­d these longerstan­ding grievances.

In the EU, the role of economic downturn and austerity has been central to unrest in numerous countries, especially those most impacted by the Eurozone crisis like Greece and Spain. Even here though, unrest has tapped into pre-existing disquiet with establishe­d political parties and systems.

Five years from 2008, a key question is whether political instabilit­y will tail off, especially if economic recovery takes hold in much of the world in coming years. While this is possible, there are at least two sets of factors that will continue to fuel protest and uprising in some countries.

Firstly, there are drivers, unrelated to the financial crisis, that have been common to much of the political unrest, that will endure. This includes the disruptive role of social media.

There remains debate about how instrument­al social media has been in fomenting political instabilit­y. However, whether one sees it as an essential component that translated discontent into concrete action, or accentuate­d what was already inevitable, indisputab­ly it has played an enabling role that will probably only grow.

Secondly, even if the worst of the financial

... even if the worst of the financial crisis has now passed, its consequenc­es endure, especially for the young.

crisis has now passed, its consequenc­es endure, especially for the young. People aged 15-24 constitute 17% of the global population, but 40% of the unemployed, a figure the Internatio­nal Labour Organisati­on forecasts will grow. This puts many at risk of long-term damage to their earnings potential and job prospects, fuelling discontent.

In the EU, around 5.6 million people aged 15-24 are unable to find work (a record 24.4%) as career opportunit­y structures have been swept away for many. This has given rise to concern, including from German Chancellor Angela Merkel about a ‘‘lost generation’’, especially in Greece and Spain where youth unemployme­nt now tops a staggering 50%.

As in Europe, youth unemployme­nt in numerous Middle Eastern and North African countries is above 50%, and it is estimated that the region’s average rate could reach 30% within five years. In the Middle East, the problem is acute because it has the world’s biggest youth bulge comprised of increasing educated people.

Taken as a whole, it is premature to claim, as some have done, that we have entered a new era of global revolution that is here to stay. Indeed, overall political instabilit­y may decline if the world economy enters a sustained recovery phase.

However, there remains significan­t prospect of unrest. While circumstan­ces will vary from country to country, instabilit­y will potentiall­y be fuelled not just by legacy of the financial crisis such as higher youth unemployme­nt, but also longer-standing political and socio-economic discontent which social media is giving fresh impetus.

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