Bangkok Post

President Trump all talk when it comes to return of coal

- Gwynne Dyer is an independen­t journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries. Gwynne Dyer

My administra­tion is putting an end to the war on coal,” said Donald Trump, surrounded by the usual gaggle of officials and (in this case) coal-miners, as he put his super-size signature on the Energy Independen­ce Executive Order. But coal is dying as a major energy source in the United States for reasons far beyond the reach of executive orders.

“The miners are coming back,” Mr Trump boasted at a rally in Kentucky last week, but no less an authority than Robert Murray, founder and CEO of Murray Energy, the biggest US coal company, promptly rained on his parade. “I suggested that [Trump] temper his expectatio­ns,” he said. “He can’t bring them back.”

Mr Trump’s latest executive order is not just about coal, of course. It’s a frontal assault on all the Obama-era regulation­s that aimed at curbing climate change. But while it will slow the decline in US greenhouse gas emissions, it will not have a major impact on global emissions.

That is partly because US accounts for only 16% of global emissions. Compared to China’s 29%, it doesn’t matter all that much, and China remains committed to big cuts.

In January China scrapped plans for 104 new coal-fired power plants, and it intends to invest $361 billion (equal to half the US defence budget) in renewable energy between now and 2020. The Chinese government is spending that kind of money because it is rightly terrified about what global warming will do to China’s economy and above all to its food supply.

Like the Indians, the Europeans, and pretty much everybody else, the Chinese remain committed to the climate goals agreed at Paris in December 2015 even though the United States has defected. Their own futures depend on meeting those goals — and they know that the American defection does not destroy all hope of success. Globally speaking, it’s not that big a deal.

It would seem like a much bigger deal, however, if they were not confident that American greenhouse gas emissions will continue to decline under Mr Trump, though not as fast as they would under a less ignorant and less compromise­d administra­tion. Coal provides an excellent example of why.

In 2009, when Barack Obama entered the White House, coal provided 52% of US electricit­y. In only eight years it has fallen to 33%, and the decline has little to do with Mr Obama’s Clean Power Plan. First cheap gas from fracking undercut the coal price, and then even solar power got cheaper than coal — so 411 coal-fired plants closed down, and more than fifty coal-mining companies went bankrupt.

Half the 765 remaining big coal-fired plants in the United States were built before 1972. Since the average age when American coal-fired plants are scrapped is 58 years, half of them will soon be gone no matter what Mr Trump does, and even he cannot make it economical­ly attractive to build new ones.

Coal is by far the most polluting of the fossil fuels, producing twice as much carbon dioxide as gas does for the same amount of energy, but that alone wasn’t enough to turn the energy industry against it. It’s the cost per per kilowattho­ur of electricit­y that matters, and coal has simply been overtaken by cheaper forms of energy.

Even in India, the most heavily coaldepend­ent of the big economies and a country with vast amounts of coal, solar energy prices are now on a par with coal.

You don’t need good intentions to do the right thing for climate safety any more; just common sense. From fuel efficiency in automobile­s to replacing coal-fired plants with natural gas or solar arrays, saving money goes hand-in-hand with cutting emissions. The economy is not your enemy; it’s your ally. So Mr Trump won’t do nearly as much harm as people feared.

President Obama promised last year to cut US greenhouse gas emissions by about 26% from the 2005 level by 2025. About half of that 26% cut would have come in Mr Trump’s first and maybe only term (2017-20), so say 13%. The US accounts for 16% of global emissions, so do the maths: 13% of 16% equals about 2% of global emissions.

That’s what would be at stake over the next four years if Mr Trump’s presidency stopped all the anticipate­d reductions in greenhouse emissions that Mr Obama based his promise on — but it won’t. So how much damage can Mr Trump do to the global fight against climate change? He can keep global emissions about one percent higher than they would have been if the United States had kept its promise to the Paris conference. And that’s all.

It’s a frontal assault on all the Obama-era regulation­s that aimed at curbing climate change.

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