Amnesty must be on offer
More than three years after the coup that promised reconciliation, the country remains divided. But the army is about to unveil its opaque plans to create national unity. The effort is certain to run into major roadblocks. That is because Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and his first Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon have rejected calls to take this important issue to the people and grassroots across the nation.
Arguably, there is no greater speed bump on Gen Prayut’s unity roadmap than amnesty. It is a touchy issue. Therefore, in the usual military fashion, the junta-appointed committees on reconciliation have decided to bypass it. This is a bad idea. To be sure, the subject of amnesty causes some disagreements. But that is why pardons must be brought to the table for national discussion.
It is difficult to see how “reconciliation without amnesty” can ever succeed. Yet Maj Gen Kongcheep Tantravanich, who handles all public relations and media statements on the subjects, says the issue is off the table. He ordered that the country must realise that reconciliation is not an amnesty. That is a curious statement, since no one has made such a claim.
In order for national reconciliation to succeed, it must include amnesties. It may be that Maj Gen Kongcheep and the other 98 general officers working on the subject have not noticed. But even before the coup of May 22, 2014, there was wide agreement around the country that amnesty was a vital part of the reconciliation jigsaw. That includes the public and all political parties.
There was also wide disagreement over who should get amnesty, and this national conversation has continued even though Maj Gen Kongcheep and staff fail to concur. It seems safe to make the following points. First, most people agree that some amnesty is needed in a reconciliation effort. Most people also oppose a blanket amnesty. In the nearly 10 years of red-yellow and other disputes, some grave crimes were committed — murder among them. Most people agree serious criminal acts must be judged and punished by the legal system.
That leaves crimes that are minor, political, or both. It is disappointing that the junta’s unity and reconciliation subcommittee has removed this issue from official discussion. Because of that, people who were merely caught up innocently in the passionate political feelings of that decade will face unjust punishment. The military men have effectively denied the public the right to debate just what minor and politically inspired crimes should be forgiven.
Reconciliation, thus, joins all the issues that Gen Prayut and men in green have decided must be settled by top-down orders. And that means virtually every issue in the nation. The public has been barred from writing the nation’s constitution, from the energy plan, from discussing ways to cut the horrendous slaughter on the roads. It is frustrating to see terrible errors of judgement — the siting of a power plant, use of Section 44 to pursue the fugitive monk Phra Dhammajayo, even how many people can sit in the bed of a pickup truck.
It is baffling to see the generals simply laugh off errors and revert to the same “chain of command” top-down ordering for the next issue.
Military orders cannot reconcile the country. The regime cannot order everyone to unify, and expect obedience. If there is to be even a small chance for reconciliation to succeed, two preconditions are absolutely necessary. Every citizen must be engaged, and there must be amnesty available for some recent crimes.
The military men have effectively denied the public the right to debate just what minor and politically inspired crimes should be forgiven.