Prayut’s path to legitimacy
In his latest interview with the press, veteran politician Suthep Thaugsuban has stated loud and clear who he wants at the helm of government after the general elections — Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. The endorsement of Gen Prayut by Mr Suthep, core leader of the now-defunct People Democratic Reform Committee (now reincarnated as the Muan Maha Prachachon for Reform Foundation) came as anything but a surprise.
The PDRC’s “shutdown” campaign, a long-standing protest against the Pheu Thai government that began in 2013 following the shameful passing of the blanket amnesty law, ended up with a coup by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) under Gen Prayut, who was then army commander.
In his statement as a self-proclaimed kingmaker, Mr Suthep said he regarded Gen Prayut as the most deserving choice as the latter is “loyal to the monarchy, has integrity and the courage to make decisions” to solve the problems facing the country.
It appears that Mr Suthep wants to see Gen Prayut, should he accept the proposal, return to power through a special channel opened through the 2017 Constitution, which was drafted by the coup-installed Constitution Drafting Committee. At press time, there was no word on Gen Prayut’s feelings on such a move to maintain his political power.
But it would come as no surprise if Gen Prayut eventually followed that very path. Spending more than three years at the top of an administration, with the absolute power of Section 44 at his fingertips, may have made him addicted to power.
Gen Prayut may be the strongest candidate, as suggested by the veteran politician. But if the general intends to stay on in politics, the best way for him — and for the country — is through elections.
His supporters may argue that he has the right to use the special channel and take the role of outsider premier, like his predecessor Gen Suchinda Kraprayoon mistakenly did in 1992. Perhaps the general should keep in mind his brotherin-arm’s ungraceful downfall following the bloody May 1992 uprising, when pro-democracy sentiment ran high among the country’s middle class.
Gen Prayut and his NCPO clique should be aware that by the time we have elections next year, it is very likely that that the democratic spirit of 1992 will rise again. Gen Prayut and his NCPO have made remarkable achievements in many areas, but reconciliation and unity are not among them.
More than three years since his regime took power, the country remains as divided as ever, and that’s the main reason the NCPO has kept the lid on freedom of expression and political activities — actions that only fuel anti-dictatorial sentiment.
The choice of him as outsider premier may be lawful, as Mr Suthep and several others would aggressively argue, but not entirely legitimate. All the preparations made by the coup-installed bodies would make him look like a self-serving dictator.
It would be a very dangerous choice given the country’s fractured state. By accepting the role of outsider PM, Gen Prayut will be trapped in a political morass both bad for himself and the country.
But returning to power through elections would be different. At least the general would gain the political legitimacy to stay on. With his ever-high popularity, and all the political mechanisms that the NCPO has put in place in the guise of a “political roadmap”, Gen Prayut has nothing to fear.
He could do Thailand a great service by clearing the air. Equally important, the prime minister can make sure that if he wants to further play his hand at politics, his fortunes will rise (or fall) at the ballot box.
Anything less would be yet another step back for Thai democracy — a choice we cannot accept.
If Prayut stays on in politics, the best way is through elections.