Dynastic scions regroup
T heThai Raksa Chart Party, a new political outfit unveiled last Wednesday, is marketing itself as a gathering point of “political young blood” politicians. But political observers argue it may be nothing more than the former ruling Pheu Thai Party’s safety net.
While most of the party’s core members are young, they largely come from prominent political families known to have close affiliations with the Shinawatra family, whose political and bloodline connections run deep in Pheu Thai.
Preechapol Pongpanich, the party’s leader and a former MP for Khon Kaen, is the son of former senator Rabiabrat Pongpanich and former deputy interior minister Sermsak Pongpanich.
Party secretary-general, Mitti Tiyapairat, is the son of former parliament president Yongyuth Tiyapairat who reportedly vouches for the Pheu Chart Party, which is known to be closely aligned with the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD).
Other key members include Ton Na-Ranong, son of former finance minister Kittirat Na-Ranong; Patchara Naripthaphan, son of former energy minister Pichai Naripthaphan; Rupob Shinawatra, son of Phayap Shinawatra; and Chayika Wongnapachan, daughter of Yaowaret Shinawatra. Mr Phayap and Mrs Yaowaret are siblings of fugitive former prime minister Thaksin.
Reports have also emerged that Panthongtae “Oak” Shinawatra, Thaksin’s only son, may even join the party.
Reports about Thai Raksa Chart being formed started circulating last month with Pheu Thai figure Paradorn Patanatabut being tipped to lead the new outfit into the general election.
Political analysts believe the introduction of a new electoral system requires Pheu Thai to come up with political innovations to ensure they win a mandate to form the government after the poll tentatively set for late February.
Pundits say even though Pheu Thai has potential allies known as being part of the “pro-democracy” camp like the Future Forward Party, which is led by young tycoon Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, or the red shirt-affiliated Pheu Chart, it still needs a safety net.
Meanwhile, Pheu Tham, headed by former justice minister Sompong Amornwiwat, does not intend to win the general election.
It is likely to serve as a “spare” party for those worried about the possible dissolution of Pheu Thai, in which case Pheu Thai members would be desperate to find a new party to fall back on.
Pheu Thai is facing the allegation that it allowed Thaksin, considered a party outsider, to pull its strings — an offence that could lead to its dissolution.
Moreover, with Thai Raksa Chart in place, Pheu Thai is effectively killing two birds with one stone.
First, it is part of a “dual-party” strategy to capture the most seats from the constituency and party-list systems.
The new electoral method means Pheu Thai might not capture any seats on the party list. If so, it would need an ally to collect the “loser votes” that will translate into party-list seats.
Pheu Thai apparently wants to field candidates with a strong chance of winning in the constituency system, and have the new offshoot, run by the offspring of the party’s loyalists, court younger voters.
Thai Raksa Chart may also help ease tension within Pheu Thai, where some members are not keen on working under Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan, who was recently chosen as chair of the party’s committee overseeing its election strategy.
Competition among party members vying to run in the constituencies is believed to be fierce. Thai Raksa Chart may accommodate those who are seeking to contest the constituency system but are unable to find space to do so under Pheu Thai’s banner.
As an established party, Thai Raksa Chart does not have to wait to be newly registered with the Election Commission. It was renamed from Thai Ruam Phalang on Oct 7.