Bangkok Post

Monitors can help election

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This government is not the first to reject a chance to welcome election monitors. It should, however, have been the first to accept such observers. The regime appears blithely unaware of its growing unpopulari­ty and just how much the country’s future depends on the upcoming vote. To paraphrase the old refrain of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, if the government has nothing to hide, why is it afraid of what election monitors will find?

The subject of election observers arose last week. That is when it emerged that the European Union and a number of human rights watchdogs had already submitted requests to the Election Commission (EC) for observer status. Foreign Minister Don Pramudwina­i stepped directly into the issue. According to him, the presence of election monitors would mean the country needs help in holding a vote. Therefore, the government will never invite foreign monitors.

Unfortunat­ely, he is thrice wrong. In the first place, like many senior ministers including Gen Prayut, Mr Don is insinuatin­g himself into the independen­ce of the Election Commission by speaking for that group. Of course, the Foreign Ministry could conceivabl­y block visa applicatio­ns by foreign watchdogs. But by regime-written law, it is solely up to the EC whether to invite or approve applicatio­ns, by persons and groups requesting formal access to the election process — Thai and foreign alike.

Mr Don’s main point is wrong. The purpose and mission of election observers and monitors is exactly the opposite of “helping” with an election. As the descriptio­ns and applicatio­ns of such individual­s and groups make clear, they seek only official permission to observe. Election monitors are “flies on the wall” who carefully watch, record and then publicly comment on the preparatio­ns, actual voting and post-election actions.

Mr Don’s third point that “local people will be the best observers” seems hugely naive for such a seasoned and respected diplomat. Of course, Thais will watch and judge how the regime organises, conducts and responds to an election. But for Thailand in general, and especially for this 54-month-old military regime, the foreign response is vital. If the world community judges Mr Don’s government poorly because of its election organisati­on, the country will likely suffer diplomatic, economic and other consequenc­es.

The military hierarchy now running the country has made one telling point. No government ever has invited or permitted all-foreign teams of election observers. One should consider this in light of the current demands by the Pheu Thai Party. But while Pheu Thai leaders may fairly be criticised for hypocrisy, the truth is not quite so black and white.

One of the world’s most respected election monitors is based in Bangkok, and led by Thais as well as foreigners. The Asian Network for Free Elections, or Anfrel, has never been designated by a government as an official monitor. Neverthele­ss, it organised large observer groups that operated without hindrance to report on elections in 2001, 2005, 2007 and 2011. It fielded 60 observers from 24 Asian nations before declaring the 2011 voting as free and fair, although with flaws.

Anfrel applied repeatedly and was denied permission to operate at all during the August, 2016, referendum on the constituti­on. There are few neutral observers who would pass that election process as either fair or free. Indeed, those who conducted normally legal election activities remain in prison.

Instead of accepting the foreign minister’s claim that election monitors are “inappropri­ate”, the government should approve or even invite observers. The credibilit­y it would reap from welcoming such observatio­n could support or even prove it is trying to run an open election. By locking out informed monitors yet again, the regime is all but admitting it has no intention of making voting free and fair.

The credibilit­y it would reap from welcoming observatio­n could support or even prove it is trying to run an open election.

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