THE BIG ISSUE: INDEPENDENCE MUTED
>> The famously annoyable general prime minister was annoyed last week. The country’s two largest political parties politely RSVP’d his invitation to a prayer meeting but declined because of the raucous nature of the worship.
Also, the site of the church caused painful memories.
As army chief, coupmeister and unchallenged lord of Government House and its grounds, it has been quite easy to get used to crooking his finger and the help or supplicants rush to him as fast as their position on their knees allows.
But for the first time in almost forever, that didn’t happen.
Democrat spokesman Thana Chiravinij, who said the Democrats would never link up with Pheu Thai, explained it was useless to show up and only be allowed to sing the hymns of praise, and not otherwise speak.
Pheu Thai and Thai Raksa Chart — but we repeat ourselves — who said they never would link up with the Democrats, said they wouldn’t attend, on principle. Untitled Pheu Thai leader Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan said the military and its government have no place hogging chairs at an election table that legally belong to the Election Commission. In the event, the EC received the invitation, attended and did not speak.
Green shirts said we can have our freedom of speech back on Tuesday. Partially. On the first working day of 2019, we can have the rest of that freedom back. Provisionally.
The takeaway from Friday’s one-way, instruction-filled “discussion” between political parties and several junta-appointed bodies is that the men (exclusively) in charge intend to remain in charge until elections are held. Of course, they already have detailed plans on staying in charge after that.
Khunying Sudarat’s point that only the EC has any legal right to discuss election procedures and dates was completely lost on, interestingly, the somewhat regal legal eagle of the cabinet, Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam. He showed the amount of respect he and the military men have for that “independence” hogwash.
He told the “independent” National Anti-Corruption Commission they will amend their orders to regime-friendly officials to submit lists of assets. The NACC tucked tail, kowtowed and scurried to obey.
The lists were supposed to act as checks on corruption, and made mandatory by publication in the Royal Gazette. Mr Wissanu, sort of quoting Mao, said his power pre-empts the NACC’s.
So much for those two “independent” bodies whose members at least realise where their lavishly buttered bread is baked.
The regime has consistently sidelined the junta-approved EC since the junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly voted to accept five new members in July. They have stood by mutely as Mr Wissanu, Deputy PM Watchman and the general prime minister have chosen the election date no matter what the junta-written constitution says.
Two days before, a giant billboard touted the politician Gen (Ret) Prayut Chan-o-cha as elected prime minister. The EC said nothing.
The NCPO hijacked Friday’s Army Club service on the obvious grounds that they still have the guns they used on May 22, 2014, at that same Army Club on Vibhavadi Rangsit Road. That day, they arrested every politician silly enough to show up for the commander of the Royal Thai Army, who invited them to pray for peace in the streets.
Elections will proceed on the schedule, in the manner, on the day, under the regulations of the unchallenged leader of the military regime. Members of the Election Commission will be allowed to carry water.
The wise will hope for the best for the next election and prepare for the worst. There was no such preparation for the 2014 Army Club meeting and there has been plenty of suffering.
The regime piled up a record number of Article 112 lese majeste violations prior to the passing of King Bhumibol. Now, the same with sedition. The same with prosecutions of criminal defamation, known in most of the world as “the coward’s lawsuit” that tries to jail people for their speech the way governments used to jail people for their debts.
The most shameful achievement by the rulers of the past 1,662 days — among scores of Section 44-magnum decrees, hundreds of new laws, thousands of persecutions and prosecutions — is the creation of the largest Thai political diaspora in history. Never have so many Thais been forced to flee for their lives and beg for shelter abroad. The worst part is that they truly are members of the loyal opposition.
Some do not agree that is shameful. They argue that the past week of the regime’s open subversion of “independent” bodies was worse. That argument is predicated on the supposition that harming its own laws and professed morality is worse because it makes clear that expediency trumps all.