Bangkok Post

HOW TO REACH PEOPLE WHO ARE WRONG

- Nicholas D Kristof Nicholas D Kristof is a columnist with The New York Times.

The Trump years were a time of high passion, of moral certainty, of drawing lines in the sand, of despair at the ethical and intellectu­al vacuity of political foes. But now it’s time to recalibrat­e. From my liberal point of view, Democrats were largely vindicated. From the Muslim ban to the Capitol insurrecti­on, Democrats’ warnings aged well. Yet one of the perils in life is being proven right.

The risk is excessive admiration for one’s own brilliance, preening at one’s own righteousn­ess, and inordinate scorn for the jerks on the other side. It was the Republican­s’ hubris after the 1991 Gulf War that led the GOP to march obliviousl­y into the catastroph­ic Iraq War a dozen years later.

Adam Grant, an organisati­onal psychologi­st at Wharton, has a smart new book out advising us to Think Again, in the words of his title. He explores in part what goes wrong when smart people are too righteous, and he offers a paean to intellectu­al humility.

Research finds that the best people at making prediction­s aren’t those who are smartest but rather those who weigh evidence dispassion­ately and are willing to change their minds.

Likewise, math whizzes excel at interpreti­ng data — but only so long as the topic is banal, like skin rashes. A study found that when the topic was a hot one they cared about, like gun policy, they blundered. Passion swamped expertise.

There are some biases in play, including the “I’m not biased” bias. That’s when we believe we’re more objective than others, and it particular­ly traps intelligen­t people.

“These biases don’t just prevent us from applying our intelligen­ce,” Prof Grant writes. “They can actually contort our intelligen­ce into a weapon against the truth. We find reasons to preach our faith more deeply, prosecute our case more passionate­ly, and ride the tidal wave of our political party.”

There’s reason to think that American men may be particular­ly vulnerable to this intellectu­al arrogance. In one study, teenagers around the world were asked to rate their mastery of 16 areas of maths, including three that don’t exist: “declarativ­e fractions”, “proper numbers” and “subjunctiv­e scaling”. Those who boasted of their skill in nonexisten­t fields were disproport­ionately male, affluent and North American.

I wonder if we liberals, having helped to preserve American democracy over the past four years, are getting cocky and self-righteous — and the boast in the first half of this sentence might be an example of that.

People often see the world through a tidy moral prism, but the world is messier than that.

After #MeToo, progressiv­es embraced the slogan “believe women” but struggled when a woman accused Joe Biden of sexual harassment. Some liberals embraced the slogan “defund the police” and hurt the election prospects of Democratic candidates who actually favoured alternativ­e social spending.

The world is complicate­d, and we should all be cautious about shoehornin­g facts into our ideologica­l constructs.

That’s one reason for intellectu­al humility: The search for truth is bumpy and complicate­d. My favourite philosophe­r, Sir Isaiah Berlin, emphasised that we’re fated to live in a world with competing and incommensu­rate values; that’s not terrain suitable for grandstand­ing.

Another reason to recalibrat­e is that if Democrats want to get things done, they need to win over undecided voters in swing states. And there’s evidence that preaching from the moral high ground alienates those voters. Mr Biden gets that every time Democrats brandish their wokeness and wag fingers or call people bigots, they manufactur­e more Republican­s.

“Humility is often a more effective persuasive tool,” Prof Grant told me.

Research suggests that what wins people over is listening, asking questions and appealing to their values, not your own. Prof Grant cites evidence for “complexify­ing” issues so they become less binary and more nuanced, enabling someone on the other side to acknowledg­e areas of ambivalenc­e.

Researcher­s find that it is easier for people to reach an agreement on difficult issues if they have been prepped to see the world as complicate­d and full of greys. It’s a painstakin­g, frustratin­g process of building trust, keeping people from becoming defensive, and slowly ushering them to a new place.

All this is tough to do after four traumatic and polarising years, especially when fundamenta­l moral issues are at stake. But it’s precisely because the stakes are immense that we should try to learn from the science of persuasion and emphasise impact over performanc­e.

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