Gulf News

Republican­s ruining US political system

- By Jonathan Freedland

The party that insists it is conservati­ve and patriotic threatens the centuries-old structure that lies at core of national identity

They say one in four of the world’s people will have a vote in an election in 2012, but no contest will get more attention than the presidenti­al one in the US — if only for its entertainm­ent value. So far the Republican primary has spoiled us, from Rick Perry’s ‘oops’ to corporate asset-stripper Mitt Romney’s admission that he liked firing people, delivered just before he was snapped receiving a sitdown shoe-shine from an underling. En route we’ve had Rick Santorum insisting that he does not equate homosexual­ity with bestiality — and that when he had appeared to make a disobligin­g reference to black people, he had in fact been speaking of ‘blah’ people.

But this was no match for this time four years ago, when the race between Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton captured a rapt and global audience. The 2008 contest and its result achieved a remarkable turnaround in the US’S standing overseas. The Pew survey found that while just over 50 per cent of Britons, for example, had a favourable view of the US in the final Bush years, the figure had leapt close to 70 per cent by the time Obama was in the White House.

A few years back I published a book calling for Britain to learn from America’s founding ideal, to reshape our own creaking political machinery on the lines of the US constituti­on, with its separation of powers and guaranteed rights. Soon after publicatio­n, events conspired to make the US a hard sell. Whether it was the Monica Lewinsky-related impeachmen­t of former president Bill Clinton, the Florida fiasco in which Al Gore seemed to lose an election he’d won or the entire Bush presidency, I was regularly confronted with the original subtitle of my book — How Britain Can Live the American Dream — and mockingly asked, “It’s all looking like a bit of a nightmare now, isn’t it?”

Power to the people

I’m hearing that again, as non-americans watch not just the bizarre Republican presidenti­al field but the paralysis of a US political system that has rendered an elected president apparently incapable of doing almost anything. The final straw came last August, when the US saw its credit rating downgraded after coming close to a default — all because Congress refused to raise the country’s debt ceiling. I still admire a system in which election is the usual method for allocating public positions, including the head of state; whose second chamber is elected rather than appointed; which ensures serious power exists at local, town hall level; which locates sovereignt­y in the people rather than in an abstractio­n, such as our ‘crown in parliament’; and which sets down the rules and rights of national life in a written constituti­on that serves as a kind of owner’s manual available to every citizen. All that I still admire.

But I confess the constipati­on embodied by the US Congress, the constant gridlock, has made me despair. A check on the executive is one thing; a triple-locked pair of handcuffs on the president’s wrists, restrainin­g him and his party from even, say, extending unemployme­nt benefits to the needy, is quite different. And yet this is not some inherent flaw in the US system.

On the contrary, it is the result of an abuse of the system, a consequenc­e specifical­ly of the march rightward of the Re- publican party. Take the debt-ceiling row. Congress never used to have a problem with that: the vote to raise the limit was always routine, nodded through 87 times since 1945, no matter which party was in charge.

But today’s Republican­s seized on the chance to put a gun to the head of the US economy. Either the president caved to their demands or they were ready to see the country default.

More important now is their Tea Party pledge to vote against any tax rise or new borrowing, no matter how damaging the impact. So they threaten filibuster against any important Democratic measure and every presidenti­al appointmen­t, a trick that can only be foiled with 60 out of 100 Senate votes.

That way the Republican minority exercises a veto over the Democratic majority, even if the result is paralysis in the face of economic crisis and hundreds of crucial government posts left empty.

There is a bitter irony here, that the party that insists it is conservati­ve and patriotic now threatens the centuries-old political system that lies at the core of the US’S national identity. The ideal remains true, but it is being warped almost to breaking point by the very people who claim to be its loudest defenders.

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DA NA A. SHAMS/

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