A party to the Russian connection
For Republican leaders in Congress, there is no more room for cognitive dissonance as America’s security is now at stake
nited States President Donald Trump’s disturbing Russian connections present an acute danger to American national security. According to reports last week, Trump’s team maintained frequent contact with Russian officials, including senior intelligence officers, during the campaign. This led to concerns about possible collusion with one of America’s principal strategic adversaries as it tried to influence the American presidential election in Trump’s favour. Last Monday, Trump’s national security adviser, Michael Flynn, was forced to resign after details of his communications with the Russian ambassador emerged.
Republican leaders in Congress now bear the most responsibility for holding the president accountable and protecting the nation. They can’t say they didn’t see the Russian interference coming. They knew all along.
Early in 2015, senior Republican congressional leaders visited Ukraine and returned full of praise for its fight for independence in spite of Russia’s efforts to destabilise the country and annex some of its regions. And in June, coincidentally, just before Trump announced his campaign for the Republican nomination, they met with Ukraine’s prime minister in Washington — one of many meetings I attended as a senior aide to the House Republican Conference.
As the presidential race wore on, some of those leaders began to see parallels between Russia’s disinformation operations in Ukraine and Europe and its activities in the US. They were alarmed by the Kremlin-backed cable network RT America, which was running stories intended, they judged, to undermine Americans’ trust in democratic institutions and promote Trump’s candidacy. Some also questioned Trump’s attacks on Hispanics, Muslims, women and people with disabilities, or his positions on entitlement reform, discretionary spending and national security. Others were unnerved by his volatile temperament, egoism and authoritarian tendencies. In public, they occasionally offered light criticism of Trump’s most objectionable comments, but mostly remained silent for fear of antagonising his supporters.
As Trump campaigned, his consistent affection for Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, and apparent defence of Russian intervention in Ukraine raised further concerns. In December 2015, on Morning Joe, Trump said of Putin, “He’s running his country and at least he’s a leader, unlike what we have in this country.” He also equated Putin’s murderous regime with the American government: “Our country does plenty of killing, also” — a remark he has repeated as president. Now the leaders’ worst fears seem validated. Flynn has become the third Trump team member to step down over Russia-related issues, following campaign chairman Paul Manafort and foreign policy adviser Carter Page.
For Republican leaders in Congress, there is no more room for cognitive dissonance. Instead, it is urgent that they recommit to patriotic prudence. They should demand that Attorney General Jeff Sessions appoint an independent special counsel to investigate Russia’s assault on American democracy and Trump’s possible collusion with the Kremlin.
At a minimum, they must establish a bipartisan special select committee with subpoena power in the House or the Senate for the same purpose. This job is too big and significant to be entrusted to the standing intelligence committees, which have critical tasks and limited staff. America must have accountability — including public hearings where possible — on these matters. After their grand bargain to back Trump’s Moscow-assisted victory, congressional Republicans are now responsible for protecting the nation from its dangers. Evan McMullin, a former CIA officer, was a conservative independent presidential candidate in 2016.
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