Referendums get a bad rap — but we need them

Plebiscites are often divisive and unpleasant, but without them, anger bottles up and politics gets stuck

of the recent referendums in Britain — and the very concept of such plebiscites. In recent days, as political tensions have escalated here, a sense has grown that rather than damaging and dividing our democracy — as seems to be the prevailing wisdom — the referendums of 2014 and 2016 will only serve to strengthen British democracy in the long run.

Do people know that MI6 bribed Spanish generals in an effort to keep Spain out of the Second World War? Do people know that after the death of Franco in 1975 there was an attempted rightwing coup in 1981?

Things like this play a huge role in shaping national identity. The shockwaves from this tussle between Madrid and Barcelona will be felt for many years to come, it will shape the future of how people see themselves in the region, but also the rest of Spain.

It all makes the British experience feel rather tame. The consequences of Brexit will of course be severe for the country — but the effect on our institutions will be not be as grave as what is currently happening in Spain. Whatever the political calculations were for calling the referendums in Britain, what is certain is that in both instances the parties people voted for in national elections proved that there was an appetite for a such a vote. The United Kingdom Independence Party (Ukip) was growing election by election; the Scottish National Party (SNP) was the party of government in Scotland. People wanted a say on these issues.

The campaigns, and results, were undoubtedly divisive — the binary nature of a plebiscite forces the abandonment of nuance and doubt from the debate — but as difficult as that has been, it was likely a necessary evil, to lance the boil and move on. Without those votes the split in public discourse may well have become more polarised, and more entrenched. While the terms of Brexit are being negotiated, many of the wounds will remain open. But, while it doesn’t always feel like it, there are signs that — unlike here in Catalonia — British politics is beginning to move forward. This year’s general elections saw safe seats become marginal, thousands voting for the first time in their lives and the vote share of nationalist parties dramatically falling in both England and Scotland. The politics of identity rages on in much of the online abuse, but if it has been exacerbated by the referendums then that is only in the short term. Without that vote there would be no space to move forward, resentment would just be bottled up, primed to boil over.

This was already evident in the runup to the last general election, which was about nationalising public services and ending austerity, not immigration mugs and matching spending cuts. That could not have happened if we had not had the referendums of 2014 and 2016.

The same cannot be said in Spain. The prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, recently told the Catalan leaders to “give up on this escalation of radicalism and disobedience. You still have time to prevent worse evils.” In response, the Catalan president, Carles Puigdemont, has denounced the “totalitarian and undemocratic attitude of the Spanish state”. Now the police might be sent in to stop the vote .

Richard Russell is a primary school teacher and maths lead in Barcelona having previously taught in London for seven years.