Iraq’s Shiites split ahead of crucial vote
GOVERNMENT DRAWS IRE OF CITIZENS OVER FAILURE TO PROVIDE JOBS AND END VIOLENCE
United in their fight against Saddam Hussain’s oppression for decades, Iraq’s Shiites have become deeply fragmented and disillusioned with their leaders after 15 years in power.
In Iraq’s Shiite heartlands, many who once voted blindly along sectarian lines are now turning their ire against the Shiite-led governments they say have failed to repair crumbling infrastructure, provide jobs or end the violence.
The divisions within the community now risk splitting the Shiite vote in a May 12 election, which could complicate and delay the formation of a government, threaten gains against Daesh and let Iran meddle further in Iraq’s politics.
In the oil-rich southern province of Basra, 81-year-old retired teacher Mowafaq Abdul Ghani is disappointed with the performance of the Shiite leaders since Saddam fell in 2003.
“Look around. The streets are filthy, there are flies everywhere, potholes at every step. Twenty years ago Basra was terrible but it was better than this,” Abdul Ghani said.
In the holy city of Najaf, home to Imam Ali’s shrine and Iraq’s most revered Shiite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali Al Sistani, there was a similar feeling of disillusionment.
At midnight on April 13 when official campaigning began, hordes of party activists plastered campaign posters on every visible surface, in some cases covering pictures honouring those who died fighting Daesh.
“They took down the martyrs and replaced them with thieves,” said unemployed 29-year-old Abbas Saad.
Even Al Sistani seems unhappy with the performance of the politicians, issuing a fatwa recently implicitly calling on Shiites to vote for new blood.
Iran key power broker
Under the informal powersharing arrangement in place since Saddam’s fall, the prime minister has always come from the Shiite majority with a Kurdish president and a Sunni speaker.
In the past, while no party has won enough seats to govern alone, there has typically been one Shiite leader with enough support to shape a ruling coalition government.
This time there are three Shiite frontrunners: incumbent Haider Al Abadi who has promoted a more inclusive government, his overtly sectarian predecessor Nouri Al Maliki who failed to inspire unity and Hadi Al Amiri, a military commander close to Iran’s powerful Revolutionary Guards seen as a war hero by many.
If no clear winner emerges, Iran could have more of a chance to act as a broker between the Shiite parties and influence who becomes prime minister.
In Hayaniya, one of the poorest parts of Basra, Ali Khalid plans to vote for Al Amiri’s Conquest Alliance, as do many in his neighbourhood.
Khalid’s brother was killed fighting Daesh for Al Amiri’s Badr Organisation, an Iranbacked militia.
He receives up to $675 a month as payment for the death of his brother but he’s not thanking the current government. “The PMF follow God, they don’t have bureaucracy like the government,” Khalid said.
At a party for university graduates in Najaf, dozens of young people danced under a glittering disco ball and listened to poetry in a packed hall.
About 60 per cent of Iraqis are 27 or younger and many young people in urban areas say they want a secular government.
“I’m against voting based on sect,” said student Ali Reda.
Al Abadi’s list, touted as “cross-sectarian”, is the only one contesting the election in all of Iraq’s 18 provinces.
“The youth care about unemployment, education, and freedoms,” he said at a nearby cafe surrounded by young men playing billiards.
“The Shiite majority has a responsibility to calm the fears of other communities. We are proposing an inclusive government in which everyone is represented.”