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Impeachmen­t is an act of desperatio­n

By focusing on their obsession with Donald Trump, Democrats are giving up the opportunit­y to talk about wages, employment and the shrinking middle class

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Impeachmen­t proceeding­s will very likely be so good for United States President Donald Trump and so bad for Democrats that they might have to report them as an in-kind donation to his campaign.

Perhaps the Democratic leadership thinks that this is a good way to raise money and to keep the base energised for next year’s election. Maybe they’re addicted to the intoxicati­ng high of moral outrage. Or maybe they really believe that an impeachmen­t just before a general election is the right thing to do both morally and politicall­y. Regardless, the Democrats pushing impeachmen­t, now joined by the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, are doing everything they can to ensure the president’s re-election.

Of course, that’s not what Democrats think. They think that now, finally, in the president’s call to his Ukrainian counterpar­t, Volodymyr Zelensky, they have Trump right where they want him. But we’ve all been down this road before. The Russia probe was supposed to end in impeachmen­t. It didn’t. Claims made in Michael Wolff’s book Fire and Fury were supposed to end the Trump presidency. They didn’t, either. Neither did the salacious stories of Stormy Daniels or the testimony of Trump’s former lawyer, Michael Cohen. Neither did a litany of other allegation­s, slanders and stories, some true, some not.

None of the fuss did any lasting damage to Trump. His approval ratings have bounced around in more or less the same range since he took office. But frustratio­n and anger lead to bad decisions and those decisions are likely to cost Democrats dearly.

Joe Biden bears the most political risk. Democrats are focused on the part of the phone call where Trump and Zelensky discuss a number of things, including the potential sale of Javelin missiles to Ukraine and the location of servers examined by the American cybersecur­ity firm CrowdStrik­e. (Trump is interested in the servers because he believes they could shed new light on the hacking of Democratic National Committee servers in 2016.) Trump also brings up Joe Biden, saying: “There’s a lot of talk about Biden’s son, that Biden stopped the prosecutio­n and a lot of people want to find out about that so whatever you can with the attorney general would be great. Biden went around bragging that he stopped the prosecutio­n so if you can look into it It sounds horrible to me.”

In that and other statements, Democrats see an impeachabl­e offence. A lot of other people see one head of state asking another for an investigat­ion into potential corruption involving the Bidens. Hunter Biden was on the board of Burisma, a gigantic natural gas company in Ukraine, earning as much as $50,000 (Dh183,900) a month. Why was he there? At the same time, his father was overseeing American policy in Ukraine and later bragged about how he had pressured Ukraine to fire a prosecutor there.

Regardless of one’s view, there is no way to look into the rectitude of Trump’s call with Zelensky without also asking a lot of uncomforta­ble questions about Hunter Biden’s business dealings in Ukraine during former president Barack Obama’s second term and Joe Biden’s actions while vice-president. Impeachmen­t is a matter of the utmost national importance, and its success requires broad public support. The vote in the House to open impeachmen­t proceeding­s against Richard Nixon was 410-4; against Bill Clinton it was 258176. The actual impeachmen­t votes against Clinton in 1998 were 228 to 206 on perjury and 221 to 212 on obstructio­n of justice. He was not convicted of either charge in the Senate trial.

Now, compare the political outcomes. The broad, bipartisan vote against Richard Nixon led over time to a series of events in which conservati­ves, including the Republican candidate who preceded Nixon, Senator Barry Goldwater, abandoned the president, who ultimately resigned.

SCAN ME

Read: Time for Trump to face impeachmen­t question

Few swing voters

By focusing on their obsession with the person of Donald Trump, Democrats are giving up the opportunit­y to talk about wages, employment, the shrinking middle class or any of the other things that motivate normal voters. After twoand-a-half years of hearing about Russia, Russia, Russia, there are vanishingl­y few swing voters who want to spend the next 14 months hearing about Ukraine, Ukraine, Ukraine.

For the Democrats, the political problem is that this is just more Washington psychodram­a. And as engaging as that it is for people in politics, for the journalist­s who cover it and for people who are deeply ideologica­l, it is uncharisma­tic and irrelevant to many voters who, rightly, just want to know what Washington is going to do for them.

So it’s hard to see this as anything other than desperatio­n — an acknowledg­ement that there is no Democratic candidate likely to beat Trump head-to-head on issues like China’s mercantili­st trade policy, stagnating wages, the shrinking middle class and immigratio­n. By choosing impeachmen­t, Democrats are choosing the ground on which they want to fight the election. But the ground they have chosen is shaky. It imperils their current front-runner, and it avoids the very issues that motivate voters in must-win states.

That doesn’t sound like winning to me. ■ Christophe­r Buskirk is editor and publisher of the journal American Greatness, and a contributi­ng opinion writer.

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