America urgently needs political healing
The reality of racial inequities and loss of hope among working-class voters cannot remain ignored for long
In 1967, the Kerner Commission, created by US President Lyndon Johnson to investigate the riots that had engulfed America’s cities, concluded that “Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white — separate and unequal.”
As this past year’s mass demonstrations against police violence and racial inequities, in addition to the mobilisation of the Trumpled white grievance movement made clear, we may be worse off today. There are signs that the America polity has become like two warring tribes who speak different languages and see reality through different eyes. The question is, “How did we get to this point?”
I’ve written before about the blight of systemic racism and the damage it continues to inflict on Black lives in America. Less examined has been the other side of our nation’s divide. None of this can excuse the white nationalist, armed elements who led the violent insurrection, rather it is to understand the mass base of discontent from which they drew their support.
As I watched the emergence of Tea Party in 2009, the Trump rallies from 2015 on, and the insurrection at the Capitol Building in 2021, it was evident that many who participated were white working and middle-class Americans angry at being left behind and who felt betrayed and abandoned by government. They had also come to believe that only Donald Trump understood their grievances and was going to fight for them.
Loss of confidence
It was true that Trump used racism and fear of immigrants as bait, but the message the resonated was his promise to bring jobs, and hope. How was it that this narcissistic, hedonistic, billionaire, reality TV star appeared as their saviour? There are two factors that I believe account for this: the decline in belief in the American dream and the loss of confidence in government institutions and leaders.
Back in 1995, I was at an afternoon coffee conversation with then President Bill Clinton. He had invited a small group to discuss problems facing the country. I used the opportunity to speak with him about what had happened in my hometown.
My neighbourhood had been made up of mostly immigrant families. The men worked in unionised factory jobs. Their one salary allowed them to provide for their children and their elderly parents. Then the mills closed and moved down south where labour was non-unionised and cheaper. Thousands lost work. Many were forced to move. Within a few decades, my hometown lost nearly one-half of its population.
I asked the president what he would do about hometowns like mine? His response startled me. He said something like, “Those jobs are gone. That’s why we need to invest in retraining, portable health care, and opportunities for people to relocate to where there is work.”
While I was impressed with how immediately he responded, I was shocked at how flippant and unfeeling it was. He wasn’t speaking about my neighbours — what they had invested in their homes, the hopes they had for their children, and their dreams that had come to naught.
Bleak prospects
Much the same happened during the economic collapse of 2008-9. In just a few months, unemployment doubled and one in five homeowners were in danger of losing their homes. The White House and Congress responded by bailing out the banks and Wall Street, but average Americans were left waiting for money to eventually trickle down to them. In just six months, polling showed a dramatic decline in belief in the American dream.
In addition to this sense of economic dislocation, there was a loss of confidence in government institutions. During the Bush presidency, Americans came to feel that government couldn’t keep them safe (9/11), couldn’t be counted on to tell them the truth (the Iraq War), or even respond to national emergencies (the disastrous response to Hurricane Katrina).
Then there were the governance dysfunctions created by the growing polarisation of our politics. For the white working-class, Democrats came to be seen as caring more for “minorities” and women’s issues, leaving the field open for Republicans to prey on the feeling of abandonment of white voters.
Then came Donald Trump who cast himself as the champion of the white working class. Although everything about his history was antithetical to their needs, he spoke to their grievances. He promised that he would bring back their jobs and defend them against the elites who had turned their backs on them.
Despite having done none of the above, once casting their lot with him, they feared admitting they were wrong. His enemies became theirs. Those who were “stealing this election” were stealing their chance to succeed. This was why 75 million voted for him. And this was why they were so intensely concerned with his loss.
Having witnessed the Republican’s behaviour in the wake of the insurrection, I have no hope they will change direction. One senator, who initially condemned Trump, made a pilgrimage to Florida and returned celebrating that “We are the party of the working class.” It is, therefore, up to Democrats to broaden their outreach and to craft a message that speaks to all voters, black, brown, and white and is sensitive to their economic, political, and social concerns. This is something Joe Biden is equipped to do.
It won’t be easy, but it is necessary that we address both the reality of racial inequities and loss of hope of white working-class voters. Unless we do both and bridge the deep polarisation of American society, our divisions will continue to take their toll.
The UAE condemned and denounced the Iranian-backed terrorist Al Houthi militia’s systematic attempts to target civilians in Saudi Arabia with a ballistic missile and booby trapped drones, which were intercepted by the coalition forces.
In a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation yesterday, the UAE renewed its full solidarity with the Kingdom over these subversive terrorist attacks and reiterated its stance against all threats to the Kingdom’s security, stability, and the safety of its citizens and residents. The statement emphasised that “the security of the UAE and Saudi Arabia are indivisible, and that any threat facing the Kingdom is considered by the Emirates a threat to its security and stability.”
The statement added that such continued attacks demonstrate the regional risk posed by Al Houthi coup and represent “new evidence of these militias’ attempts to undermine security and stability in the region.”
Meanwhile, Arab Coalition spokesperson Turki Al Maliki said the Kingdom has intercepted 526 drones and 346 ballistic missiles so far.