Khaleej Times

G20 must play G Minor for developing countries

- By KAUSHIK BASU Thought Leader — Kaushik Basu, a former chief economist of the World Bank and chief economic adviser to the Government of India, is Professor of Economics at Cornell University and a non-resident senior fellow at the Brookings Institutio­n.

In December, India began its yearlong G20 presidency, taking over from Indonesia amid rising geopolitic­al tensions and economic uncertaint­y. Surging inflation has raised the specter of a global recession. Supply chains, made more efficient but also more vulnerable by globalizat­ion and the digital revolution, are crumbling under the weight of Covid-related disruption­s and the war in Ukraine, both of which have revealed and deepened the fault lines of the internatio­nal order.

During the Great Recession of 200809, the G20 arguably helped to prevent a worse crisis by persuading the world’s biggest economies to coordinate their fiscal and monetary policies. With the global economy at a critical juncture, following decades of relentless globalizat­ion that have made markets increasing­ly interconne­cted, the group could once again play this role.

To confront the looming global crisis, G20 countries must, first and foremost, coordinate macroecono­mic policies. During and after the Great Recession, developed economies attempted to boost growth by keeping interest rates at or close to zero – or even negative. While this was necessary, ultra-low rates soon became a trap, preventing countries that wanted to raise interest rates from doing so, lest their currencies appreciate and their exports decline.

The Covid-19 pandemic, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the spike in inflation have freed the world’s largest economies from the low-interest-rate trap. But this transition could have been less painful had government­s coordinate­d their macroecono­mic policies. With the global economy on the verge of recession, the G20 must provide leadership on this issue and help policymake­rs avoid their predecesso­rs’ mistakes.

The pandemic and the war in Ukraine have also shown that in our globalized, interlinke­d world, every crisis is likely to have disproport­ionate economic effects. In a standard oligopoly, as described by the nineteenth-century economist Augustin Cournot, a few firms produce the same good, but this is no longer the case. For example, cars had once been produced in their entirety by a single manufactur­er. Today, however, many firms manufactur­e the different parts separately — one company makes the chassis, another the wheels, and so on — creating what I have called a vertically serrated industry.

These intricate production processes have led to greater vulnerabil­ities. In a classic oligopoly, if a war or a pandemic broke out and 10% of manufactur­ers stopped producing cars, 10% fewer cars would be produced. Nowadays, however, if the world’s wheel manufactur­ers shut down, car production would fall by 100%. This is precisely what is happening today, as a chip shortage has disrupted the global car industry, leading to sharp price increases.

A vertically serrated industry could also be weaponized. Government­s could, for example, threaten to shut down production of a critical component, such as computer chips, knowing that this would bring global production to a halt. Some policymake­rs, like US Treasury Secretaryj­anet Yellen, have touted friend-shoring, whereby countries like the United States intend to reduce their reliance on geopolitic­al rivals by limiting the sources of critical goods to a few trusted allies. But this approach could further exacerbate tensions and push the world closer to a disastrous war. Instead, the world’s superpower­s must commit to avoiding such tactics. The G20 could play a central role in facilitati­ng tense negotiatio­ns, designing internatio­nal agreements, and overseeing coordinati­on strategies.

But first, G20 countries must overcome their tendency to favor the interests of major economies. The pandemic, during which lower-income countries were deprived of access to vaccines due to hoarding by developed economies, has highlighte­d the need for global solidarity. As a 2020 letter to the G20 written by former UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown and others noted, the group could provide the sort of coordinate­d global leadership needed to address health disparitie­s between the Global North and South.

But even beyond the pandemic, emerging and developing economies, particular­ly in Africa and the Pacific, often find themselves at the mercy of major powers, their prosperity contingent upon election outcomes in developed countries. This year, the G20 could take a giant step forward by enabling several smaller countries to participat­e in its deliberati­ons and make their voices heard.

We could call this proposed group G Minor. While the G20 represents the world’s largest economies, the G Minor would represent the needs of emerging and developing countries that lack the diplomatic and military clout required to protect their interests on their own. Forming such a group would be an admirable gesture of inclusion, enabling India to make its mark on the G20 and achieve a more just internatio­nal order.

This year, the G20 could take a giant step forward by enabling several smaller countries to participat­e in its deliberati­ons and make their voices heard.

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