The National - News

In comment today

- Hussein Ibish On Twitter: @ibishblog

Unless US president Donald Trump and his aides come up with answers and solutions to the host of crises engulfing them, the house will come crashing down sooner than anyone thought,

Even those of us who fully expected Donald Trump to become mired in a major political crisis didn’t think it could possibly happen during his first month in the White House. Just how grim Mr Trump’s situation is becoming may not be immediatel­y obvious. But a closer look reveals a critical condition and worse prognosis. Far from the “fine- tuned machine” he describes, his administra­tion is a wretched mess.

His main policy initiative, the notorious “travel ban”, was so incompeten­tly drafted that it was immediatel­y blocked by the courts and will probably have to be discarded altogether in favour of a workable executive order.

Mr Trump’s early record of legislatio­n and other substantiv­e accomplish­ments is strikingly thin compared to most of his predecesso­rs. And of the 696 senior positions that require Senate confirmati­on, 661 still have no nominees.

Last week his national security adviser, Michael Flynn, may have set a record for the earliest resignatio­n-in-disgrace of any major appointee. Worse, it points to a far larger scandal involving ties to Russia that is just starting to seriously unravel. Robert Harward, Mr Trump’s choice to replace Mr Flynn, refused the coveted position. Before Mr Trump’s inaugurati­on, Barack Obama imposed new sanctions against Moscow. Mr Flynn called the Russian ambassador and implied that they could be lifted, providing Russia did not overreact.

After initially calling retaliatio­n essential, Mr Putin did nothing. Mr Trump then fulsomely praised his brilliance. Mike Pence, the US vice president, assured the public that sanctions weren’t discussed because Mr Flynn lied to both him and the FBI.

As a former military intelligen­ce chief, Mr Flynn knows all such conversati­ons are routinely recorded by the National Security Agency.

But he may have believed he was protected because he was acting at the explicit or implicit behest of Mr Trump.

Weeks before the media revealed the truth, Mr Trump learnt that Mr Flynn was lying about the conversati­on and was also, therefore, open to Russian blackmail. Yet he took no action, and did not inform Mr Pence about the deception.

Clearly he would never have fired Mr Flynn if the truth had remained hidden. Indeed, he still insists Mr Flynn is a “wonderful man” who was “just doing his job” and “doing something right”, but has been “treated very, very unfairly by the media”.

Mr Trump is outraged, not by Mr Flynn’s misdeeds and lies, but at the officials who told journalist­s, and the press that told the public the truth. But it gets much worse. Trump campaign officials are now known to have been in “constant contact” with Russian intelligen­ce officers over the past year. There is no plausible innocuous explanatio­n for this, especially since, as Mr Trump publicly begged them to in July, Russian intelligen­ce was actively interferin­g with the American election.

The circumstan­tial evidence suggesting they were in cahoots is becoming almost incontesta­ble.

US investigat­ors have also corroborat­ed some parts of what initially seemed a highly dubious dossier alleging Russian efforts to compromise Mr Trump on financial and sexual grounds. Since those details are correct, the entire document is inevitably being taken more seriously.

It will provide an indispensa­ble road map for any serious investigat­ion of the real Trump-Russia relationsh­ip.

All this may finally explain his mystifying adulation of Russia’s thuggish president, Vladimir Putin. Mr Trump and his minions are plainly hiding the truth about their dealings with Russia, and it is now a national imperative to uncover it.

Congress, fully controlled by Mr Trump’s Republican party, must either conduct a credible investigat­ion itself or, more appropriat­ely, appoint a special commission or independen­t prosecutor. Republican lawmakers would rather not act at all, and certainly not before the midterm elections. Most don’t like or trust Mr Trump and would undoubtedl­y prefer Mr Pence as president.

But the process of investigat­ing, and possibly removing, a president from their own party is still too much for almost all of them.

As senator Rand Paul shamelessl­y explained “We’ll never even get started with doing the things we need to do, like repealing Obamacare, if we’re spending our whole time having Republican­s investigat­e Republican­s.”

But, eventually, even such hyper- partisan hands will be forced. Unless Mr Trump and his defenders can quickly concoct convincing answers to questions they have yet to even acknowledg­e exist, additional leaks, damaging revelation­s and, possibly, resignatio­ns will continue to steadily pile up until, probably very suddenly, the whole house of cards begins to come crashing down.

At this rate, that may happen sooner than anyone could have imagined. Hussein Ibish is a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington

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