The National - News

No agreement with Iran is tenable without GCC

- EBTESAM AL KETBI Dr Ebtesam Al Ketbi is the President of the Emirates Policy Centre

Iran’s project for hegemony is an increasing­ly complicate­d regional dilemma. The nation continues to try to expand its footprint in the Middle East. Its leaders remain undeterred, despite pressure from other countries. This impasse threatens the security and stability of the region, particular­ly in the Gulf. The past four decades have taught us that if we do not break this pattern, Iran will continue to be a threat not just to its neighbours, but to the world as a whole.

All political, social and economic trends indicate an increasing­ly uncertain future if the internatio­nal community fails to make Iran behave like a normal state. Fuelling this worrying reality are a number of complex internal dynamics and political aspiration­s within Tehran.

The Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA) was recent history’s most significan­t effort to deal with the challenge posed by the country. It sought specifical­ly to tame the nation’s nuclear ambitions. It did not, however, have anything to say about the other nefarious regional activities that the regime sponsors. Subsequent­ly, former US president Donald Trump broke western orthodoxy with his “maximum pressure” campaign. This achieved some results, but ultimately still failed to get Tehran back to the negotiatin­g table.

The JCPOA’s failure might have been down to its inability to understand how Iran sees itself and the world around it, in terms of regime doctrine and interpreta­tions of its own post-colonial history. It was also overly optimistic about Tehran’s desire to co-operate in finding constructi­ve regional solutions.

The maximum pressure campaign also failed at getting clerical leadership to drop a number of contentiou­s policies. In addition, regional approaches to solve the Iranian impasse have not taken into account its duplicity, nor have they grasped the nature of the relations between the government and the deep-state establishm­ent. This has made for a hollow set of proposed solutions, based solely on attempts to pacify the regime.

There is no doubt that Gulf countries are the worst affected by the ongoing stalemate. GCC nations are Iran’s closest neighbours, a country that considers the Middle East fair game in its expansioni­st projects, and the Gulf region as a tool to pressure the internatio­nal community, especially in Washington.

Our part of the world has for some time watched on with concern as other nations attempt to resolve the issue. Some worry that the errors of the Iran nuclear deal might be repeated, a moment in history that can only be described as one in which the GCC was marginalis­ed. This is why Gulf countries are calling for a seat at the table in any future negotiatio­ns with Tehran. Iran’s ongoing refusal to countenanc­e GCC participat­ion shows its longstandi­ng desire to drown out the group’s voice.

Some Arab countries are concerned that Washington’s seeming abandonmen­t of Iranian issues could reduce dialogue into mere bilateral discussion­s between the regime and a number of regional countries, or at best local negotiatio­ns without internatio­nal supervisio­n. This would not produce effective outcomes. History shows us that Iran likes such conditions because it always has the upper hand in any purely regional or bilateral talks, not to mention the likelihood of it reneging on its commitment­s in the absence of binding guarantees.

The internatio­nal community and GCC countries need an innovative response before we reach the point of no return. If it is still impossible to reach a comprehens­ive resolution, the door could open for individual regional negotiatio­ns on key issues such as the Iranian regime’s ballistic missile programme and its expansioni­st agenda.

A local initiative of this kind should be overseen by world powers including the US, the United Nations Security

Council as well as other actors, to ensure that their outcomes are implemente­d and that they are codified in UN resolution­s.

They could include the use of flexible legal instrument­s such as snapback sanctions if Tehran reneges on its promises. For this to happen, the GCC must have a central role, as it alone is most affected by Iran’s most dangerous malign activities, including its missile programme and its expansioni­st agenda.

The realities on the ground indicate that all stakeholde­rs are willing to join negotiatio­ns. This means little if the same mistakes are repeated. Iran’s political system must not be simplified as it was before, in a manner that did not take into account the nature of the regime’s decision making, and the intersecti­on between economic and political factors in the country’s policies. The method must go beyond the narrow understand­ing of the nation’s deep state, and instead stress the importance of improving dealings with the various influentia­l centres of power in Tehran.

This would move beyond the inefficacy of previous years, to serious resolution­s fit for the future. Combined, collaborat­ive efforts from the GCC – with whom Iran wishes to enter into dialogue on controvers­ial regional issues – and the internatio­nal community would not allow Iran to use a dialogue to simply stall progress. Instead, it will devise a legally binding negotiatio­n process within a specific timeframe.

This could then be set in stone through UN Security Council resolution­s.

Inaction will bring us to a point of no return. A strategic perspectiv­e is needed to solve this problem and the Iranian regime needs to be dealt with carefully and realistica­lly. The GCC needs strong will and co-ordination with global partners. Welcoming Iran back into the fold will benefit the world, the region, as well as the isolated and struggling nation itself.

The internatio­nal community needs an innovative response before we reach the point of no return

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