Boris must not stoke civil war among the Tories
WITH his potent mix of charisma, humour and eloquence Boris Johnson was central to the triumph of the Brexit cause in the 2016 referendum. Since then his fight for the implementation of full independence, which culminated in his resignation from the Cabinet in July, has been honourable and determined.
Less impressive is his reported involvement with a new initiative, which smacks more of personal ambition than the promotion of British freedom. Over the weekend it emerged that allies of Boris are plotting a major campaign against Theresa May, with the aim of removing her from office by destroying her Brexit negotiation strategy.
The campaign is said to be organised by the consultancy CTF, headed by Tory political guru Sir Lynton Crosby, a Boris supporter and tough Australian who fell out with May in the aftermath of the 2017 general election when he felt he was unfairly blamed for the disaster. “They want Boris in,” says a senior Tory of this operation, which is linked to the pro-Brexit pressure group Change Britain.
The plot, which Boris denies being involved in, is all the more incendiary because the Government faces such a turbulent period in the coming months. Not only are the talks with the EU reaching a crucial stage but ministers have to get through both the party conference and another draining Commons session. That is why this divisive pro-Boris campaign is so ill-judged.
NOW is not the moment to stoke the flames of civil war in the Tory Party. The resultant conflict will be eagerly used by the Remain lobby as further evidence of the political chaos caused by Leave. Any attempt to ditch the Prime Minister before the completion of negotiations or the passage of Parliamentary legislation will just play into the hands of the proEU brigade, eager to create a climate of despair over Brexit in order to justify its demand for a second referendum.
The irony of the antics by the Boris camp is that they come just when the prospects for Brexit are finally looking brighter. Only a few months ago the Government seemed to be in terminal crisis, buffeted by Cabinet resignations, Parliamentary turmoil and Brussels intransigence. But today there is a new sense of hope.
That is partly because the EU’s hostility is beginning to weaken. Recently the EU’s chief negotiator Michel Barnier has adopted a much more conciliatory tone than in the past.
“We are prepared to offer Britain a partnership such as there has never been with a third party,” Barnier said last Wednesday. Similarly French President Emmanuel Macron, the high priest of the European project, is now urging his colleagues in the other member states to reach a deal.
This co-operative mood is a tribute to the British Government’s new willingness to prepare for a “no deal” scenario, which has brought home to Europe’s leaders the damage that could be caused to the EU if they refuse to negotiate seriously. The Brussels regime already has enough selfinflicted problems, such as the immigration crisis and economic sluggishness, without adding more.
Theresa May’s Government has also been strengthened by the heroic refusal of the British people to swallow the Remainers’ lurid propaganda. Polls show there has been no significant change in public opinion since the 2016, nor is there any real appetite for a second vote. Most people just want the Government to get on with delivering on the clear verdict of the electorate. The Prime Minister spoke for the majority of Britain when she wrote yesterday that a second referendum would be “a gross betrayal of democracy”.
The steadiness of public opinion is reinforced by the strong performance of the British economy, which has exposed the emptiness of Project Fear. Remainers shrieked that a Brexit vote would leave Britain hopelessly isolated yet only last week an independent report showed that our country remains the number one destination in Europe for foreign investment. Our exports are at record levels and unemployment and state borrowing are down.
THE resilience of the economy is matched by that of the Government, despite its lack of a Commons majority. Much of the talk about political meltdown is just wishful thinking. It is remarkable that Theresa May has managed to win every significant Parliamentary vote on Brexit legislation, while the July Cabinet resignations of Boris and David Davis have had far less impact than excitable commentators suggested at the time.
That is largely because their replacements, Jeremy Hunt as Foreign Secretary and Dominic Raab as Brexit Secretary, have proved able, pragmatic replacements. The forensic energy of Raab has injected a new vigour into EU negotiations.
The opposition parties are the ones in a real mess, with the result that there is no unified challenge to the Government. Labour is mired in a cesspit of Jeremy Corbyn’s making, epitomised by the deepening row over antiSemitism. The Scottish Nationalists are gripped by scandal and Vince Cable, leader of the ineffectual Liberal Democrats, privately talks of retirement.
There are difficult days still ahead for the Government but they will be even more awkward if Boris plunges his party into an internecine struggle. All the energies of ministers should be focused on the best possible British withdrawal. It would be appalling if the imminent prize of Brexit were to be put in jeopardy by internal feuds.
‘Brexit prospects are finally looking up’