I fight on says Afghan leader:
By Afghanistan’s vice-president – in a brave despatch for the Mail, under fire from the Taliban in his snow-capped mountain stronghold
AMRULLAH Saleh, 48, is the former vice-president of Afghanistan, who escaped Kabul to join the National Resistance Front – an antiTaliban group – in the Panjshir Valley.
The remote 70-mile-long valley, bordered by mountains, is a geographical stronghold and the last province in Afghanistan to hold out against the Taliban. In the battle, each side has claimed territorial gains with heavy casualties in the past 48 hours.
In a courageous dispatch from the front-line, Saleh – whose leader, president Ashraf Ghani, fled to the UAE – reveals his anger at Afghanistan’s betrayal by America but urges the West not to abandon his beloved nation...
Yesterday I attended the burial of two of the best commanders I have ever known. the fighting here is heavy now, with casualties on both sides. the taliban are using american munitions against us and Black Hawk helicopters are reinforcing their attacks. I did not speak at the funeral but others did.
When they asked the hundreds of mourners from the communities of the Panjshir Valley if they were prepared to continue fighting, a roar of support erupted.
the people are resolute. they – we – are united in defending our dignity, our land, our history and our pride.
there is a long history of successful resistance here.
It beats in the proud hearts of every man, woman and child.
right now our entire focus is on ensuring the survival of this valley – some 90 miles north of Kabul – as a base against the taliban.
We know we are not alone. Many are flocking to join the National resistance Front (NrF), including anti-taliban fighters, former afghan security forces and ordinary afghans who are fighting as they do not want to see their nation regress.
For the taliban have not won any hearts and minds. they have simply exploited the flawed policy of a fatigued american President and they are being micro-managed by Pakistan’s notorious intelligence agency, the IsI.
the taliban’s spokesman receives directions from the Pakistani embassy. and it is the Pakistanis who are in charge, effectively as a colonial power.
But this is not going to last because they and their clients will not be able to build a functioning economy or a civil service. they may have territorial control – but as our history has shown – control of land does not mean control over the people or stability.
the betrayal of afghanistan by the West is colossal.
the scenes at Kabul airport in recent days were an embarrassment for any nation involved in afghanistan since the taliban were routed by the us-led coalition force in the
aftermath of 9/11. the americans may boast about evacuating some 123,000 people (of whom 6,000 were americans), however there are 40million of us.
Now, with the closure of the airport in Kabul, the afghan exodus is continuing at other border crossings and it is worse than it was during the soviet occupation of the 1980s.
this is not only shameful for President Joe Biden, it is shameful for all of Western civilisation.
your politicians know that Pakistan is running the show. they know al Qaeda are back on the streets of Kabul. and they know the taliban have not reformed.
But there is still time for the West to save its reputation.
Biden was determined to end america’s ‘longest war’ and would no longer countenance keeping even a few thousand soldiers here to support our own afghan forces – despite our enormous sacrifices and the advice of his own generals. But the
world over, the currency with which the Americans are paying is their credibility and standing. And yet they have the capability to reverse this.
I call upon the West not only to give us moral and – where possible – material support, but also to press for a political settlement with the Taliban that has the backing of the Afghan people and the international community.
Morally, the West owes this to every Afghan.
Why have I chosen to be here? Because I believe those politicians who flee their country betray its very soil.
I had the chance to escape Kabul but I found that invitation offensive. I wanted to follow in the footsteps of my late leader, Ahmad Shah Massoud, known as the Lion of Panjshir, who saw off the Soviets and the Taliban.
He endured pain and crises yet remained with his people. Just days before 9/11, he was assassinated by Al Qaeda operatives. For me to flee would have been a betrayal of his legacy.
Around 8am on the morning that Kabul fell, I woke to dozens of missed calls from family, friends, officials, and fellow politicians asking for guidance as the Taliban’s advance became clear.
I tried to contact the minister of defence, the interior minister and their deputies to no avail.
I then spoke to the police chief of Kabul, a very brave man.
He informed me that the east, two districts in the south and the province of Wardak had fallen.
He asked for my help in deploying commandos. I asked if he could hold the front with whatever resources he had for an hour. But in that one desperate hour, I was unable to find deployable Afghan troops anywhere in the city.
And the reason was clear. The Americans had promised close air support but it was a worthless assurance. Whenever our troops confronted a concentration of the Taliban, the Americans would cite the Doha Agreement – negotiated with the Taliban – to say they could not strike except in very limited circumstances. This served only to strengthen the notion among many that this fight was futile and useless.
I called the presidential palace. I messaged our national security adviser. I got no response from anyone. And by 9am on August 15, Kabul was panicking.
I had asked the intelligence chief what he would do if the Taliban stormed Kabul. ‘My plan is to join you wherever you go,’ he answered. ‘We do our last battle together.’ I cannot find him now. These politicians betrayed their people. We told them for 20 years that we were engaged in a noble cause for their futures and that of generations to come. And they stood by us.
Then came a moment when the same people were pleading with us – their leaders – to stand up for them. This was a moment of test.
Those leaders may protest now that they would have become martyrs had they remained.
Why not? We need leaders to become martyrs.
They will say they would have been taken prisoner. Why not? We need leaders to serve as prisoners, to experience the same suffering as the Afghan people.
HoW could I see my people suffering, dying from hunger and thirst, walking barefoot, from a place of safety. Should I give a radio interview and then hope that these people will decode my messages and revolt?
This is what some other leaders are hoping. They have gone to hotels and villas abroad. And then they call on the poorest Afghans to revolt. If we want a revolt, the revolt has to be led.
The day Kabul fell, I sent a message to Ahmad Massoud, son of my mentor the Lion of Panjshir. I said: ‘My brother, where are you?’ He replied: ‘I’m in Kabul and planning my next move.’ I offered to join forces.
I then went through my home and destroyed pictures of my wife and my daughters and collected some belongings.
With my chief guard Rahim, we got into a convoy of a few armoured vehicles and two pickup trucks with guns mounted on them and headed for Panjshir.
When I received a call informing me that Ahmad was heading to the valley by helicopter, I felt a surge of hope.
We had our first meeting to strategise that night.
Has it been easy to take up resistance? Absolutely not. I’m in a difficult situation, no doubt. I am aware that the Taliban want my head. But this is history – and we are at the centre of it.
As told to Kapil Komireddi, the author of Malevolent Republic: A Short History of the New India