To build an empire
The conflict between imperialism and the ideals on which the USA was founded sparked intense debate
As Spanish dominance dwindled across the globe, a new rising superpower readily took its place
Well beyond the first century of its existence, the United States pursued a foreign policy of expansionism. Although it may at first seem contradictory to the principles on which the nation was founded – those of government by consent of the governed – such a policy was nevertheless pragmatic. While those who opposed such expansionist endeavours considered the two points irreconcilable, those who favoured the territorial growth of the nation through the acquisition of overseas colonies and the domination of the Western Hemisphere believed that the United States was destined to take its place among the leading nations of the world.
Historical observers have asserted that the United States was founded on a policy of expansion – its own brand of imperialism – and inherent in that policy was the subjugation of indigenous peoples, despite the cornerstones of freedom and equality that were hallmarks of its own government. President Thomas Jefferson concluded the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. President James Monroe espoused the ‘Monroe Doctrine’ two decades later, warning European powers to refrain from further incursions in the West. In 1853 trade considerations led to the opening of feudal Japan to American commerce. Following the Civil War, the nation resumed its westward expansion, purchasing Alaska from Russia in 1867, annexing Hawaii in 1898 and dealing forcefully with Native Americans while fulfilling the tenet of the concept of ‘manifest destiny’, as the United States stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific – from “sea to shining sea”.
As the nation grew, the debate between pro and anti-colonial factions within the US government became heated. Those in opposition contended that imperialism contradicted the American commitment to democracy. An empire in the Caribbean, Central America and the Pacific, they reasoned, would embroil the nation in regional conflicts, while the cost of maintaining and developing far-flung possessions would be prohibitive. Those who favoured expansion argued that overseas possessions would enhance American prestige abroad, support the nation’s realisation of its ‘manifest destiny’, and bolster the US economy through trade, as precious raw materials were imported and finished goods were exported to new territorial possessions. In an attempt to pacify their adversaries, ethnocentric expansionists rationalised that domination by a democratic nation was preferable for an underdeveloped region when compared to exploitation by a European monarchy.
As the 19th century waned, the United States became more than a casual observer as the people of Cuba fought a ten-year war for independence from Spain. Cuba was only 145 kilometres (90 miles) from the United States, and though the Spanish considered the island a province of their country, the reality was different: the United States had become the dominant economic influence in Cuba. The Spanish empire was weakening, and aggressive expansionists within the US government saw the country’s overseas possessions, particularly Cuba, as ripe for the taking. In addition, reports of Spanish atrocities, real or concocted by a sensationalistic American press, raised humanitarian concerns.
The eruption of the Spanish-american War in the spring of 1898 was a direct result of public opinion that had been galvanised to support intervention in Cuba by so-called
‘yellow journalism’. A letter written by Spanish Ambassador to the US Enrique Dupuy de
Lôme, in which the diplomat personally insulted President William Mckinley, and the mysterious sinking of the battleship USS Maine as it rode at anchor in the harbour of the Cuban capital of Havana, effectively muted the opposition to armed intervention. However, the US Congress passed the Teller Amendment on 20 April 1898, pledging that the presence of the American military in Cuba would not lead to the island’s annexation and that the US would “leave control of the island to its people”.
In the wake of the short, one-sided war, the United States emerged as a world power with territorial gains in the Philippines, Puerto Rico and Guam. Despite the assurance of the Teller Amendment, America would continue to dominate the Cuban economy.
Within months of the acquisition of the Philippines, the American Anti-imperialist League voiced opposition to the annexation of these Pacific islands. Notable among its leaders were author Mark Twain, industrialist Andrew Carnegie and the future secretary of state William Jennings Bryan.
While the wave of American colonialism rolled inexorably forward, the debate surrounding its moral, ethical and economic benefit would rage in the halls of American government for another 50 years.
“DESPITE THE ASSURANCE OF THE TELLER AMENDMENT, AMERICA WOULD CONTINUE TO DOMINATE THE CUBAN ECONOMY”