The Business Year Special Report

Will of the people • Focus: Mining consultati­ons

THE ECUADORIAN AUTHORITIE­S SEEK TO TIGHTEN UP THE MINING SECTOR.

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MINING OPERATORS IN ECUADOR as of late have had a sword of Damocles dangling over their heads, under whose ambiguous regulation­s their contractua­l rights could be voided at seemingly any moment. The Constituti­onal Court has recently handed down several decisions which, while ratifying that the constituti­on provides for consultati­ons that could terminate a mining concession, could have very specific consequenc­es. These rulings have had the effect of unleashing local courts that in general have been sympatheti­c to anti-mining activists.

In its first article, Ecuador’s 2008 constituti­on holds that authority is based on the people’s will and exercised through its organs of political power or through direct participat­ion. Given this precedent, it was President Moreno himself who first called for a referendum (i.e. consultati­on) to change what the constituti­on permitted regarding mining in February 2018. The aim of this was to prevent former president Correa from running again for president and wresting control from him over the constituti­onal and supreme courts, the electoral bodies, and the state’s oversight institutio­ns. Embedding these core questions with others that could convince voters into casting a "Yes" vote for the full plank of questions, the consultati­on also asked people whether they were “in agreement with amending the constituti­on… so as to ban metallic mining in all its stages, without exception, in protected areas, intangible zones, and urban centers.”

Though the constituti­on already banned oil and mining in protected areas and intangible zones (Article 407), every question was overwhelmi­ngly approved, including that on mining. Anti-mining activists then followed the presidenti­al example, though the constituti­on also required prior consultati­on with indigenous communitie­s and nationalit­ies for mining and oil activities, starting with prospectin­g (Article 57). Yaku Pérez, an attorney-at-law, filed a suit against Ecuagoldmi­ning, which holds the Río Blanco concession in Azuay, on grounds that it had not carried out said consultati­on.

On June 1, 2018, the Azuay justice ruled on the motion submitted by Pérez and ordered the suspension of mining activities at Río Blanco. On August 3, the civil and commercial chamber of the Azuay Provincial Court ratified the Río Blanco judgment. To the request that a consultati­on be carried out, the court indicated it was no longer necessary, as Molleturo, where the project is

located, “was already consulted on February 4, 2018 with question 5 of the referendum.” As it turns out, the Superior Court of Azuay interprete­d a Yes vote on question 5 of the February referendum as a No vote on industrial mining. Given that the Yes vote on question 5 won in most of the country’s counties, if the decision of the Azuay court held, Ecuador would effectivel­y be cut off from mining.

Next in line was another first-generation project in Azuay, INV’s Loma Larga in Quimsacoch­a. Attorney Pérez obtained the forms from the National Electoral Council (CNE) to collect signatures for a consultati­on in Girón county, where some of the facilities of the Loma Larga project are located, with the question: “Do you agree that mining activities should be allowed to be carried out in the moorland and water sources of the Quimsacoch­a hydrologic­al system?” Instead of sending the case up to constituti­onal court to decide on the constituti­onality of the consultati­on once the signatures were submitted, CNE proceeded to call for a vote on March 24, 2019. 87% of the electorate voted overwhelmi­ngly No, and Loma Larga was forced to relocate the tailings dam in Girón to Cuenca county, where the mine is.

In May 2019, a group of citizens requested authorizat­ion from the constituti­onal court to hold another consultati­on in several counties in Carchi and Imbabura provinces, where Solgold’s

Cascabel property is located, which the constituti­onal court dismissed on technicali­ties. Meanwhile, though, Pérez ran for and won the Azuay prefecture and requested authorizat­ion from the constituti­onal court for a province-wide consultati­on on industrial mining. The court agreed that “in principle there is no constituti­onal dispositio­n that clearly and expressly bans the citizenry from proposing for consultati­on matters related to … mining activities” (Opinion No. 9-19-CP/19 of September 17). However, those consultati­ons had to meet certain criteria, which Pérez’s request did not, and were therefore thrown out.

As things stand, the court holds that consultati­ons must be fair and feature documented questions. Leading questions such as asking whether “one agrees to mining that affects water sources” are inadmissib­le. The consultati­on should also explain the consequenc­es that its approval would have. Nor can the consultati­on be far-ranging; asking for a ban in the entire Azuay province, for instance, is inadmissib­le. A consultati­on may only pertain to a specific mine. In the words of former Vice Minister of Mines Fernando Benalcázar, the court “establishe­d that only if there are conditions that justify a violation or possible constituti­onal damage would the request be granted. With that, the court gave a clear message that it is not only a matter of wanting mining or not.” ✖

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