The Critic

Noah Carl:

- by Russell T. Warne

In the Know: Debunking 35 Myths About Human Intelligen­ce

THERE ARE FEW SUBJECTS on which educated people are more likely to be misinforme­d than the science of human intelligen­ce. Popular myths and feelgood fallacies abound. In his excellent new book, the educationa­l psychologi­st Russell Warne debunks 35 of them.

Warne was motivated to write the book, he informs us, after discoverin­g that scientific knowledge was sometimes “alarmingly” out of step with public understand­ing. For example, in a recent survey he carried out with a colleague, 38 per cent of teachers and 47 per cent of non-teachers agreed with the demonstrab­ly false claim that students with higher intelligen­ce test scores “tend to perform just as well in school as the average student”.

Such erroneous beliefs are not limited to those who lack relevant expertise. In another recent study, Warne and his co-authors looked at 29 introducto­ry psychology textbooks, and found that 79 per cent of them contained inaccurate statements about intelligen­ce.

In the Know is divided into seven sections, dealing with, respective­ly: the nature of intelligen­ce; its measuremen­t; influences upon intelligen­ce; its relevance to education; its relevance to other life outcomes; group difference­s; and ethical issues. Each of the book’s 35 chapters exposes a different myth. These range from “every child is gifted” to “intelligen­ce research undermines the fight against inequality”.

Knowledgea­ble readers will find the book less technical (though considerab­ly more up-to-date) than Arthur Jensen’s The g Factor, but more technical than Stuart Ritchie’s Intelligen­ce: All that Matters or Ian Deary’s Intelligen­ce: A Very Short Introducti­on.

Overall, the book is interestin­g, well-written, clearly structured, and meticulous­ly referenced (Warne opts for an in-text citation style, which allows the reader to track down original studies easily). While its main purpose is didactic — to disabuse the reader of certain misconcept­ions he or she may have — there is a central message running through the book’s 350-or-so pages: intelligen­ce is real, quantifiab­le and important, and denying those things can lead to tangible harms.

IN THE FIRST TWO SECTIONS, Warne elucidates what is arguably the most important concept in intelligen­ce research, namely the general factor of intelligen­ce. The factor, as it is also known, was first identiv

fied by the English psychologi­st Charles Spearman in 1904. He observed that those who performed well in one subject also tended to perform well in other subjects, and he inferred that some general mental ability influences performanc­e on diverse cognitive tasks.

Using a statistica­l technique called factor analysis, Spearman provided evidence for the existence of this ability, which he dubbed the g factor or g. Strictly speaking then, g is the underlying ability, whereas IQ is the metric for that ability. (So g is like bodyweight, and IQ is like the reading on a scale.)

As Warne points out, g can be distinguis­hed from the various broad abilities that influence performanc­e in specific domains. Spatial ability, for example, is the capacity to understand the relations among objects in space, such as their orientatio­n, movement and rotation. (It is particular­ly helpful in technical fields like engineerin­g and physics, but also plays a role in sporting performanc­e.)

However, since these broad abilities are positively correlated (persons of above-average spatial ability tend to have above-average verbal ability) their existence does not negate the existence of g. Warne is therefore able to dispel the myth that intelligen­ce is too complex to sum up in a single number.

TODAY THE EVIDENCE FOR G is overwhelmi­ng. When the psychologi­st Wendy Johnson and her colleagues gave subjects batteries of tests, and extracted a g factor from each, those g factors were almost perfectly correlated. In other words, each battery of tests was tapping the same underlying mental ability.

Warne and his colleague analysed 97 datasets from 31 non-Western countries, and found a g factor could be identified in all but three, which suggests that g is not a peculiarly Western phenomenon. Researcher­s have even observed a g factor in animals such as dogs, mice and other primates. IQ scores also correlate with anatomical variables like brain size and white matter volume.

In the third section, Warne explains that intelligen­ce is subject to both genetic and environmen­tal influences. For adults living in Western countries, at least 50 per cent of the variation in IQ test scores is attributab­le to genetic factors. This does not mean, incidental­ly, that raising IQ is impossible (or even difficult). But it does refute the notion that IQ is just a measure of social class. According to Warne, there are several environmen­tal factors with reliable effects on IQ: adoption, education, iodine deficiency and lead poisoning. Interestin­gly, however, large-scale interventi­ons have been unable to raise IQ scores drasticall­y. And those that have raised scores often show fadeout, whereby initial gains are lost after the interventi­on ends.

WARNE DOCUMENTS THE EXTENSIVE predictive validity of intelligen­ce in sections four and five. He notes that IQ correlates with many life outcomes, including school grades, income, job performanc­e, health and even mortality (those with higher IQs tend to live a bit longer). Of course, it is not the only psychologi­cal trait that predicts success, but its effects do seem to be larger and more consistent when compared to other variables. Warne also dispenses with the myth (popularise­d by Malcolm Gladwell in his book Outliers) that after a certain point, higher IQ doesn’t make any difference.

In section six, Warne grapples with the vexed subject of group difference­s in intelligen­ce. He notes that, although men and women have approximat­ely the same average IQ, men’s scores are more variable, meaning that they are overrepres­ented in both tails of the distributi­on. When it comes to racial or ethnic difference­s in IQ, Warne points out that there is no longer any debate about whether such difference­s exist, but only about their causes.

Some researcher­s favour a strictly environmen­talist account, whereas others believe that both genes and environmen­t are involved. Drawing on five different sources of evidence, Warne places himself in the latter camp, although he suggests it is too early to put a precise estimate on the genetic contributi­on (beyond stating that it is greater than zero).

WARNE CONSIDERS THE POLITICAL and ethical aspects of intelligen­ce research in the final section. He disputes the claim of some philosophe­rs that controvers­ial theories should be held to higher standards of evidence. And he rejects the argument that intelligen­ce research is somehow “tainted” by its past — is sociology “tainted” because Corrado Gini was a fascist? Warne documents various ways in which the denial of intelligen­ce difference­s can lead to harm. For example, people with low IQ are more likely to give false confession­s. Such individual­s often struggle in many areas of life, and cannot simply be expected to “pull themselves up by their bootstraps”.

One minor quibble is that the same material crops up in multiple chapters (though this does allow them to be read independen­tly). That aside, In the Know is a must-read for anyone who wants to learn more about the fascinatin­g science of human intelligen­ce.

IQ correlates with many outcomes, including school grades, income, job performanc­e, health and even mortality

 ??  ?? Noah Carl is an independen­t researcher and writer based in the UK
Noah Carl is an independen­t researcher and writer based in the UK

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