Brexit will be a tragedy if it undermines the UK’S role in helping to defend democracy
As we enter 2018, Europe continues to face threats and instability, from an increasingly autocratic Russia, which is waging a multi-faceted, hybrid war against the West, to continued instability in the Middle East, an Islamist terror threat and a refugee crisis.
These threats and challenges know no borders and will not relent because of Brexit. As we have seen with the terrorist attacks perpetrated in both Belgium and the UK, the security of the EU and the UK are interlinked.
We now know that Mohamed Abrini, a Brussels airport bomber, went to the UK to raise funds for his network’s terrorist activities in Belgium and France. Youssef Zaghba, the London Bridge attacker, travelled in Europe and was on a European database. The terrorists who seek to harm us know no borders. A post-brexit approach to cooperation must reflect this.
The EU needs British security and intelligence capabilities, but the door to defeating terrorism swings both ways. UK authorities will continue to rely on the assistance and resources of their European counterparts to keep Britain’s streets safe. It is imperative that EU-UK cooperation does not become a casualty of the negotiations. Theresa May, as David Cameron’s Home Secretary, is well remembered in Brussels for negotiating an opt-out of EU judicial and home affairs instruments, only to then opt back into the European Arrest Warrant, Europol and other programmes vital to the fight against international crime and terrorism.
In her Florence speech last year, Mrs May told the EU: “Our determination to defend the stability, security and prosperity of our European neighbours and friends remains steadfast.”
It is regrettable that Britain has recently treated EU countries’ efforts to enhance joint defence capabilities as a threat, rather than an opportunity. As Boris Johnson hinted, Brexit may yet reverse this. Likewise, it is important we find a way to ensure that the UK can continue to participate in the development and delivery of EU sanctions regimes, on a 27 + 1 basis.
Britain’s commitment to European stability, however, is likely to be tested even before Brexit. With the support of the European Parliament and a clear majority of EU member states, the European Commission recently triggered legal proceedings against Poland for undermining the democratic functioning of its judiciary. The adherence to democratic governance is rightly one of the key criteria for EU membership and I hope it will remain a priority for the UK, too.
Ignoring the rise of “mini-trumps”, as Francis Fukuyama has coined them,
‘The terrorists who seek to harm us know no borders. A post-brexit approach to cooperation must reflect this’
in Central and Eastern Europe would be incompatible with the commitments made by the Prime Minister in Florence and could lead many in European capitals to question Britain’s commitment to a future new security and defence partnership. The actions taken by Warsaw are not compatible with decades of British foreign policy and the principles of EU membership.
Britain rightly led calls for the accession of post-soviet countries to the European Union. It would be a tragedy if the outcome of Brexit undermines its role as a defender of liberal democracy. Polls consistently show voters’ main concerns are illegal immigration and security. These must be addressed and Brexit cannot disrupt our efforts to keep Europeans safe, which is why it is important that ideological grandstand-ing and red lines announced in haste at party conferences do not stand in the way of a cast-iron security and defence partnership.
It’s clear the only way we can respond to the challenges we face is if European nations come together and defend the international, values-based order we have built post-war. Brexit will weaken the UK and the EU economically and geopolitically. It must not be allowed to undermine our security, nor dilute our shared values.