Nick Timothy:

Our good faith is being exploited by Europeans who have no interest in sincere cooperation

Do you remember the beginning of the Brexit talks? Wary of some of our strengths, the Europeans issued a series of warnings. Do not “cherry-pick” the rights but not the obligations of EU membership. Do not use your security capabilities as a bargaining chip for trading access. Do not play member states off against one another. Do not use Donald Trump’s antipathy towards the EU, or his ambivalence towards Nato, against us. Do not use Northern Ireland as a gateway to a broader trade deal. And do not issue threats like “no deal is better than a bad deal”.

One year on, the EU has done all of these things to Britain. It has divided and ruled Britain’s panicking political classes. It wants us to contribute to the defence of Europe, while excluding us from its information-sharing schemes and Galileo, the satellite system. France is using Brexit to build its own special relationship with America. Northern Ireland is being used to tie us in to the single market and customs union. And while Britain is not ready for a “no deal” Brexit, the EU is upping its own preparations for that outcome.

Britain repeatedly says we want the EU to prosper; they repeatedly say they want us to fail. Theresa May respects the “duty of sincere cooperation”, but the EU refuses to reciprocate. Under Enda Kenny, Irish officials were working on technological solutions for the Northern Ireland border. Last July, Leo Varadkar, the new Taoiseach, pulled the plug. “It’s not my job to help the United Kingdom,” he says.

There is little point complaining, but we should listen, and our strategy should change.

The Prime Minister started with a sensible plan. She sought a bespoke deal between Britain and the EU. She would respect the EU’S mantra: the rights and obligations of both sides would remain “in balance”. But she also said “no deal is better than a bad deal”, and ministers should prepare accordingly.

Of course, she has been undermined in Parliament. PRO-EU rebels want to prevent a “no deal” outcome while forcing us into a customs union and, perhaps, the single market. They have allowed the Europeans to divide and rule us, and cherry-pick what they want from the future relationship.

But within government it is just as bad. The Chancellor blocked meaningful no-deal planning, and refused point-blank to consider alternatives to EU financial regulations. Instead, the Treasury produced negative economic forecasts based on outcomes the Government did not seek, and leaked them to the media.

It is not just the Treasury. This week, the Business Secretary has made the case for “labour mobility” – code for a form of free movement – with the EU. This not only breaches one of the Prime Minister’s red lines, it is one of Brussels’ main demands of Britain. Meanwhile, City sources say government advisers are encouraging them to speak out against its own policy. And Brexit Department officials complain that the Cabinet Office is stopping them from dealing directly with member states because “it upsets the Commission”.

This is ridiculous, and it has to stop. The EU showed last December – when the talks faltered over Northern Ireland – that they want a deal. But they want a deal on the best terms for them, and the very worst for Britain. As things stand, they might well succeed.

Sajid Javid alone seems prepared to put the EU on the back foot. Since becoming Home Secretary, he has torn up plans for a preferential immigration system for Europeans, because the EU is not offering us preferential trading access. And he has challenged Brussels about the rights of UK nationals living in the EU. In response, Guy Verhofstadt, the European Parliament’s Brexit coordinator, admitted member states have not done enough.

Britain’s negotiating position is far from hopeless. Member states are divided about what the Brexit deal should say about security and trade. Almost all, in their different ways, want a sensible agreement.

But the time for playing nice and being exploited is over. Of course we must negotiate in good faith. And we will need to compromise. That will mean some degree of cooperation and alignment with EU regulations.

The coming Brexit white paper should herald a new approach. It should articulate – on our own terms – what we want. We should say we want a partnership encompassing trade and security where rights and obligations are reciprocal and in balance. We will not accept the jurisdiction of the European Court, free movement or massive annual payments for market access that should be free.

Ministers should point out that it is not Britain jeopardising the Good Friday Agreement, but the Irish, who are failing to respect the integrity of the United Kingdom. And the Chancellor should immediately increase spending and staffing to prepare for “no deal”. The time for sincere cooperation with a partner that does not want to sincerely cooperate is over: we must toughen up.