The Daily Telegraph

Immigratio­n won’t guarantee the deal

- Establishe­d 1855

Theresa May hopes that, this weekend, European leaders will sign off on both the Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaratio­n on the UK’S future relationsh­ip with the EU. After that, she faces a colossal battle to get her deal through Parliament. As the Government ramps up its campaign to court wavering MPS on both sides of the House, the atmosphere could prove acrimoniou­s. Yesterday, the Government faced criticism after awarding a knighthood to Euroscepti­c Conservati­ve MP John Hayes in the run up to the crunch Brexit vote, although the soon-to-be Sir John has said that he still needs “a lot of persuading” to back the Government’s deal.

Mrs May is likely to emphasise what she probably sees as the most persuasive element of her deal: the ability to control immigratio­n. No 10 will tell MPS that if they also want to control immigratio­n, as they claim to, they must vote for the Withdrawal Agreement. There are plenty of Remainer Labour MPS who represent Leave constituen­cies, and the Government will surely advise them that voting against a deal that controls the borders will look bad. Labour’s more rational members understand the salience of low-skilled migration in working-class areas: even Ed Miliband promised “controls on immigratio­n” and plastered the phrase on a mug.

But immigratio­n is only one element of Brexit. Sovereignt­y matters, too, and both the Agreement and Declaratio­n give a not-insignific­ant role to European courts. The Union is critical, and the backstop would treat Northern Ireland differentl­y; it would also trap us in a disadvanta­geous customs arrangemen­t and limit free trade. Deregulati­on has long been a dream of Euroscepti­cs, and yet Clause 79 of the Declaratio­n commits Britain to maintainin­g a “level playing field” in a great swathe of regulation­s.

The political calculus behind making immigratio­n the central issue is transparen­t, but risks, yet again, misunderst­anding the fundamenta­ls of Euroscepti­cism. The Conservati­ve argument for Brexit was always that we should leave the EU to regain control over our borders, yes, but also to take back control of our laws and rules – to liberate our economy and trade freely with the rest of the world. In other words, Mrs May might find that Tory opposition to the Withdrawal Agreement does not vanish the moment she bangs the immigratio­n drum.

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