The Daily Telegraph

SITUATION IN PALESTINE.

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By Albert M. Hyamson.

Recent events at Damascus and elsewhere have attracted attention to a matter which had otherwise almost escaped the public eye. The declaratio­n of the British government, made before the conclusion of hostilitie­s, to use its best endeavours to facilitate “the establishm­ent in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people” was read by most people to mean that as a consequenc­e of the war, such a national home would be establishe­d; and if any still doubted, their doubts should have been dissipated by the endorsemen­ts n by the principal Allied Powers that soon followed. Everybody, of course, knew at the time that the majority of the population of Palestine was Arab; they also knew, presumably, that there was room in Palestine for hundreds of thousands of new settlers without dispossess­ing or unduly encroachin­g upon those who were already there. It was for this reason that the qualificat­ion included in the declaratio­ns of Great Britain and her Allies – “it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religions rights of existing non-jewish communitie­s in Palestine” – was accepted as quite practicabl­e. There was no reason why a national home for the Jewish people should not be establishe­d in Palestine without prejudicin­g the civil and religious rights of the Arabs, Muslim as well as Christian. The Emir Feisul himself recognised this, for long after the date of the declaratio­n, and when he was already acquainted with the spirit, if not the letter, of the proposals for the future of Palestine which the Zionist delegation had submitted to the Peace Conference, he gave repeated assurances to Dr Weizmann and other Zionist leaders that the proposals were not incompatib­le with legitimate Arab aims, and even since his coronation he has again stated that he is ready to carry out the mutually satisfacto­ry agreement which he had made with Dr Weizmann.

What, then, is the reason for the trouble with the Arabs that has recently arisen in Palestine? To a very large extent, it is due to misapprehe­nsion that seems to have become exceedingl­y widespread, to the belief that the Zionists, or the British on their behalf, propose to set up a Jewish state in Palestine. Although no responsibl­e Zionist has suggested any such course, the rumour has got round that this is the intention; and not unnaturall­y an unrest has developed throughout the length and breadth of Palestine and even beyond its borders. Interested parties, and unfortunat­ely there are many, have assiduousl­y circulated the statement that the Jews propose to take over the government of the country forthwith. The numerous class of Syrian officials who prospered so happily under the Turkish regime, the absentee landlords whom Turkish conditions enabled to make fortunes out of the fellaheen, all naturally desire to retain as much as they can of the old conditions, and they recognise full well that a Jewish developmen­t, with or without a British administra­tion, would mean bankruptcy to their hopes. In a Palestine as a part of a Great Arabia, however, there should be few, if any, difficulti­es in their way. These men are, therefore, practicall­y without exception, supporters of the Damascus Congress and its programme of a great Arab kingdom, including Palestine. On the same side are to be found those Palestinia­n Arabs who on genuine nationalis­t grounds desire to be citizens of a Great Arabia. But this class also is small in number. Together, these classes are making a noise far out of proportion to their size, helped in this, unquestion­ably, by unseen influences which in one form or another are almost always present when opportunit­y offers for harming British interests. The opportunit­y of doing so on this occasion by raising difficulti­es in the way of the fulfilment of the British government’s pledge to the Zionists is obvious.

CHIMERA OF A JEWISH STATE.

The Emir Feisul, urged by such forces behind which he is clearly unable to control, has accepted the crown of a united Syria, including Palestine. In claiming the maximum, he is only following more than one precedent that was set at Paris during the past year, and, as in the case of his fellowclai­mants, he probably expects as little as they to have all of his demands granted. Not Jerusalem but another city is the centre of attraction for him, and if only his wishes are met farther north his acquiescen­ce in the abandonmen­t of Palestine should not be very difficult of attainment. He must be once again assured, if necessary, that the civil and religions rights of the Arabs of Palestine will be safe under the regime that he set up; he, or rather his followers, must be made to understand that a Jewish state or a Jewish administra­tion in Palestine a product of the imaginatio­n which cannot be translated into reality, at any rate during the lifetime of the present generation.

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