The Daily Telegraph

Sir Bernard Ingham

Gruff Yorkshirem­an who served Margaret Thatcher faithfully as Downing Street press secretary

- Express. Bernard Ingham, born June 21 1932, died February 24 2023

SIR BERNARD INGHAM, who has died aged 90, was Margaret Thatcher’s press secretary for almost her entire 11 years in Downing Street, and a belligeren­t guardian of her flame. A bluff and volatile Yorkshirem­an, he accurately and loyally reflected her view at any juncture, and was essential to her success in bringing about radical change and remaining in office to do so.

Renowned for his eruptions of “bunkum and balderdash!” and “dammit!” during twice-daily meetings with Lobby journalist­s, the rubicund, workaholic Ingham could doom a minister with a shrug of his shoulders.

He holed Francis Pym below the waterline by comparing him with the Itma character Mona Lott; played down Sir Geoffrey Howe’s status as deputy prime minister; and branded John Biffen a “semi-detached” member of the Cabinet. Biffen got his own back by christenin­g Ingham the “Yorkshire Rasputin”.

Ingham was generous with advice to ministers and journalist­s who sought it, but ready to deliver a rocket if he believed that was the lady’s wish. Behind the scenes he was trenchant in defending her interests, lambasting editors for carrying comment she regarded as unhelpful and threatenin­g the BBC with “incalculab­le consequenc­es” if it did not share its film of her arriving in the Falklands with ITN.

Yet despite repeated questionin­g of his integrity in the House by Tam Dalyell and others, he remained a highly profession­al public servant; his briefing on Mrs Thatcher’s final day in office was a model of Civil Service impartiali­ty.

Ingham establishe­d a control over Whitehall’s informatio­n machine that his successors have envied. He required all department­al press offices to inform No 10 in advance of sensitive announceme­nts; convened a weekly meeting of heads of informatio­n; and eviscerate­d any department sneaking out a controvers­ial announceme­nt on the day the Commons rose.

Officially Ingham only headed the Government Informatio­n Service for his final two years; it had been under the Central Office of Informatio­n, whose head was technicall­y his boss. Yet through sheer force of personalit­y and his appreciati­on as a journalist of the harm mediocre press officers could do, Ingham made the service highly profession­al as his former deputies fanned out across Whitehall; sadly, not all the improvemen­t survived him.

He was robust in protecting his charges against political interferen­ce, slapping down the Conservati­ve chairman Kenneth Baker when he tried to issue ministers with party “minders”.

It was inevitable, given his longevity in post and his high profile in briefing the media as Mrs Thatcher toured the world, that Ingham would become a story in his own right; yet this took several years.

The Prime Minister’s Tory critics resented both the effectiven­ess with which he put her views across and his reluctance to persuade her to moderate policies they regarded as damaging.

Ingham’s sureness of touch was not total. In 1984 he outraged liberals by jokingly suggesting the names of judges who might take a robust line during the trial of the MOD official Clive Ponting on official secrets charges stemming from the sinking of the General Belgrano. The next year he speculated to journalist­s that the Government would not “throw good money after bad” as the pound headed toward parity with the dollar, triggering a minor run on sterling. And in 1988 he upset the Palace by saying Mrs Thatcher would advise the Queen not to make an official visit to the Soviet Union if invited by Mikhail Gorbachev.

But it was, above all, the Westland affair that put him on the spot, over a leak to the Press Associatio­n of a note from the Attorney-general, Sir Patrick Mayhew, accusing Michael Heseltine, who had resigned as Defence Secretary, of “material inaccuraci­es” in a letter about the future of the helicopter company. In all probabilit­y Ingham’s difficulti­es were compounded because he was trying to protect the Prime Minister.

Mrs Thatcher was trying to bolster the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, against Heseltine’s onslaught, yet the episode forced Brittan’s resignatio­n.

The letter was leaked by Colette Bowe, head of informatio­n at the DTI, who was loyally supporting Brittan despite her personal belief that Heseltine was right. There were strong suspicions that Ingham had put her up to it, maybe on the PM’S instructio­ns, though an inquiry by the Cabinet Secretary found no evidence and Ingham staunchly denied it.

Ingham’s relationsh­ip with Mrs Thatcher was based on respect, not idolatry – though his devotion to her, once establishe­d, never wavered. The key lay in the circumstan­ces of his appointmen­t: as a former Labour candidate and purveyor of the message of two Labour government­s his pedigree was uncongenia­l to her, but she took him on merit and never regretted the choice.

Serving her was not without its risks. In 1987 an IRA parcel bomb was delivered to Ingham’s home, which was defused by the Bomb Squad, and the next year he was winded during a skirmish with security police on a visit to Nigeria.

Inevitably, Ingham acquired the bunker mentality of an administra­tion that judged its success by the interests ranged against it: Tory “wets”, Keynesian economists, the Church, the miners.

Yet while he remonstrat­ed with journalist­s who raised awkward questions – such as why Mrs Thatcher rejected sanctions against South Africa because of their impact on black workers there, when apparently untroubled by unemployme­nt at home – he seldom got personal. He would simply bemoan reporters’ inability to distinguis­h between facts and comment.

Even when his old paper The Guardian, and The Independen­t, quit the Lobby in protest against its briefings being off the record, he remained courteous to most of the correspond­ents involved. He knew better than anyone the hypocrisy of the boycott: the editor of The Independen­t on Sunday, having instructed its political editor to miss the briefings, told its leader writer, the future Lib Dem Energy Secretary Chris Huhne, to open a private line of communicat­ion.

Ingham was, unashamedl­y, a profession­al Yorkshirem­an. Though he had moved south in the 1960s, his heart was on the moors above Hebden Bridge; as the train passed through he would exclaim: “Lower the window, take a good sniff of the air, because you’re nearer to Heaven now than you will ever be on Earth.”

At any opportunit­y he headed home to help with the cows on his brother’s farm, and on his 10th anniversar­y at Downing Street invited the Lobby to Hebden Bridge to celebrate. He was, however, vocally unhappy at the town latterly becoming a home of alternativ­e lifestyles.

Though a loyal friend, Ingham could be a prickly neighbour. Determined not to trade up from his bungalow in Purley, he became embroiled in an acrimoniou­s dispute with the builder next door; starting with disagreeme­nts over a loft extension, it culminated in 1999 in his being bound over on charges of causing criminal damage.

Bernard Ingham was born at Hebden Bridge on June 21 1932; his father, Garnet Ingham, was a weaver and Labour activist. He left grammar school at 16 to join the Hebden Bridge Times, becoming its editor at 19 and acquiring a reputation as a prodigious worker. In 1952 he moved to the Yorkshire Post, initially in Halifax; he became its industrial correspond­ent in 1961. The next year he joined The Guardian, then still based in Manchester, as its Northern industrial correspond­ent and in 1965, after standing for Leeds council, moved to London.

Passed over as too rough a diamond and too vociferous a socialist to be The Guardian’s chief industrial correspond­ent, he left in 1967 to become public relations adviser to the National Board for Prices and Incomes, moving the next year to Barbara Castle’s new Department of Employment and Productivi­ty as chief informatio­n officer, and being promoted to director of informatio­n in 1973. When Edward Heath created the Department of Energy in 1974, Ingham took a similar post there.

In 1975, Harold Wilson made Tony Benn Energy Secretary after his Left-wing adventures made the Industry portfolio too hot for him. Benn found Ingham “very difficult”, and Ingham reciprocat­ed. Eventually he told John Smith, one of Benn’s junior ministers, that his position was untenable. Smith advised him to confront Benn, who apologised profusely, saying he had no idea he had behaved so boorishly.

In 1978 Ingham moved into the mainstream Civil Service as under-secretary in charge of energy conservati­on, running the “Save It” campaign. Then in the autumn of 1979, six months after Mrs Thatcher’s election, he was unexpected­ly appointed her press secretary.

That he stayed 11 years was his choice as much as the Prime Minister’s. In 1984 he turned down a nominal promotion to head the Central Office of Informatio­n, and later Newcastle University wooed him to head its Centre for Government Communicat­ions; he declined, but became a visiting fellow.

Mrs Thatcher had Ingham knighted in her resignatio­n honours. Staying on at Downing Street was inconceiva­ble, even though his relations with John Major were cordial, and he left the Civil Service.

He went into public affairs, starting Bernard Ingham Communicat­ions and – with the former ITN newsreader Pamela Armstrong – a media training consultanc­y. He became a director of Hill & Knowlton Strategies and a consultant to British Nuclear Fuels, a trenchant columnist for the Daily Express (and later the Yorkshire Post), and a popular lecturer and after-dinner speaker.

He also became a director of Mcdonald’s. He served customers at Victoria Station for them and visited Iceland for the opening of their first drive-through.

Ingham continued to lionise Lady Thatcher, voice a healthy Euroscepti­cism, and rail against wind farms in the Pennines. In the dying months of Major’s government, Labour blocked a move to nominate him to the Press Complaints Commission. When Alastair Campbell took his old job on Tony Blair’s victory in 1997, Ingham said: “So, lad, what are you going to do about Mandelson? The answer is simple: slit his throat.”

He wrote four books about Yorkshire, an autobiogra­phy, Kill The Messenger (1991), and in 2019 published his diaries of Mrs Thatcher’s final months in No 10.

Bernard Ingham married, in 1956, Nancy Hoyle; she died in 2017. They had a son, John, who became a senior journalist on the

 ?? ?? Ingham with the PM: the minister John Biffen, whom he had branded a ‘semi-detached’ member of Cabinet, called him ‘the Yorkshire Rasputin’
Ingham with the PM: the minister John Biffen, whom he had branded a ‘semi-detached’ member of Cabinet, called him ‘the Yorkshire Rasputin’

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