If the Scottish Conservatives choose wisely, then they may be able to take advantage of the changed political circumstances in Scotland.

‘‘ For the first time in a generation, there is a sizeable and winnable chunk of seats on offer for long-suffering Scottish Conservatives

CANDIDATE selection is one of the most important (but often overlooked) elements of what political parties do. It has been described as the “secret garden” of party politics. However, as the political scientist Austin Ranney pointed out, “what is at stake … is nothing less than the control of the core of what the party stands for and does”.

The announcements about the retirement of a significant number of Scottish Conservative MSPs, therefore, present the party with a once-in-a-generation opportunity. At present, the party is selecting its candidates for the Scottish Parliament next year.

If the Scottish Conservatives choose wisely, then they may be able to take advantage of the changed political circumstances in Scotland. If they make mistakes, then there will be long-term consequences. We know that incumbent candidates are difficult to remove once selected. They may also stick around: five Tories have served since 1999. It is not surprising that some recent debates within Scottish Labour have concentrated on whether their initial candidate selection procedures for the Scottish Parliament sowed some of the seeds of later difficulties.

Consider this: Ruth Davidson did not originally make it to the top of the Glasgow list for the Conservatives. She is an MSP and party leader only because the top-ranked candidate was deselected before the election. On such quirks of candidate selection does the future of politics turn. Party members should bear in mind that sometimes there is not a correlation between knocking on the most doors and being the candidate who can best represent the party in Holyrood.

Therefore the Conservatives need to think carefully about who ought to be the party’s public face. This is a critical juncture for the party for two central reasons. First, for the first time in a generation, there is a sizeable and winnable chunk of seats on offer for longsuffering Scottish Conservatives.

Those candidates who have been Labour and SNP punch bags in hopeless seats for years may sense that their time has finally come. More importantly, this possibility may also have encouraged new people to stand because they see there is a prize on offer for their hard work. Secondly, the referendum has changed the debate. For the first time since 1999, the Scottish Conservatives are unambiguously a pro-devolution party. Internal critics of the Scottish Parliament, a thorn in the side of previous leaders, have been largely silenced.

The referendum campaign forced the party to rally round the proposals of the Strathclyde Commission to present a convincing (and Conservative) alternative to independence. For the first time, the party has matched its economic philosophy with its stance on further fiscal devolution.

It even managed to outflank the Labour Party on proposing more powers. This has been the most significant achievement of Ms Davidson’s leadership to date and finally allows the party to move on. She has achieved one of Murdo Fraser’s leadership campaign objectives with the zeal of a convert.

Alongside getting the candidates right, therefore, the Scottish Conservatives also need to use this moment to reposition themselves in the centre of Scottish politics. For instance, for the first time in at least a decade, a window seems to be opening up to discuss some of the sacred cows of Scottish education.

Unfortunately, the Scottish Conservatives are in danger of missing the opportunity to contribute meaningfully to this debate because they are still fixated on parental choice as a driver of change. Instead of pursuing this quixotic obsession (a dead horse they have been flogging in Scotland since at least the 1980s), Conservatives could more profitably focus on the inadequacies of the Curriculum for Excellence.

It has never made sense for the Conservatives to support this inherently un-conservative reform. It represents everything that Michael Gove fought against in England. The time is ripe to propose an alternative approach. Dealing with devolution has not been easy for the Scottish Conservatives. However, for the first time since 1999, some big opportunities are opening up. The Labour Party is in decline, chinks in the SNP’s public policy record are becoming too big to ignore and the Tories have become committed devolutionists.

There is a chance for a new generation of Scottish Conservatives to provide a moderate alternative on the centre right of a Scottish political spectrum. If they cannot make progress in 2016, then when can they?