The Herald on Sunday

Defending status quo doesn’t work in assisted dying debate

- Assisted Dying Bill

THE Assisted Dying for Terminally Ill Adults (Scotland) Bill was lodged in Holyrood last week. Sponsored by LibDem MSP Liam McArthur, the Bill builds on the work of the late Margo MacDonald in past parliament­s. If passed, the Bill would create a legal framework for terminally-ill adults to be provided with assistance to end their own life in Scotland.

The legislatio­n defines a terminal illness as “an advanced and progressiv­e disease, illness or condition from which they are unable to recover and that can reasonably be expected to cause their premature death”.

Only adults who have been living in Scotland for 12 months – registered with a doctor, and with legal capacity – will be eligible. Under the proposals, people seeking assistance to end their lives would make a fully witnessed first declaratio­n that they want to be provided with lawful assistance to die.

Two doctors must then certify they really are terminally ill, eligible, and are making this declaratio­n “voluntaril­y” without “coercion or pressure” from any other person.

Assuming all these tests are met, there is then a two-week reflection period before the doctor may provide the terminally-ill adult with an approved substance “with which the adult may end their own life”.

The current legal position in Scotland is a bit more complex than many people recognise. The Suicide Act 1961 abolished the crime of attempting suicide – partly explaining why some people still use that archaic formulatio­n of “committing suicide” – but introduced the new offence of “aiding, abetting, counsellin­g or procuring” another person’s death, with maximum penalties of up to 14 years in prison.

The 1961 Act has been revisited over the years since. The modern offence holds if you do anything “capable of encouragin­g or assisting” another person with the intention of encouragin­g or helping them to end their life.

It’s under these rules that people south of the Border who help their loved ones to board aeroplanes to Switzerlan­d – or who put the arrangemen­ts in place for their parents or partners to end their life at the Dignitas clinic – commit a criminal offence.

Tetraplegi­c son

IN 2008, the parents of 23-year-old Daniel James were arrested on their return to the UK, having made arrangemen­ts for their tetraplegi­c son to end his life in Switzerlan­d.

James’s case caused and causes controvers­y, as he did not have a terminal life-threatenin­g condition, but had unsuccessf­ully attempted to end his life several times, begging his parents to help him, before they eventually agreed to do so. On returning to the UK, his parents were questioned – but not charged – for the assistance they extended to him. You rarely hear politician­s – or campaigner­s against law reform – arguing that police, prosecutor­s and courts should be taking a more draconian line on enforcing the law. Best you can tell, the legislatio­n is quietly being ignored by the English authoritie­s because nobody seems to believe the public interest would be served by rounding up these grieving relatives. If you don’t think this behaviour merits criminalis­ation, then decriminal­ise it. Contrary to what you often see reported, the Suicide Act doesn’t apply in

Scotland. Important implicatio­ns flow from this.

First, as Lord Carloway held back in 2016, it means that “it is not a crime to assist another to commit suicide” under Scots law, but “if a person does something which he knows will cause the death of another person, he will be guilty of homicide if his act is the immediate and direct cause of the person’s death”.

This means Scots who help their loved ones to seek assistance to die outside the jurisdicti­on don’t commit a crime.

But what if you give someone drugs, knowing they are going to use them to end their lives? There, too, Lord Carloway held, Scots law is clear: “When an adult with full capacity freely and voluntaril­y consumes a drug with the intention of ending his life, it is this act which is the immediate and direct cause of death.”

This means you can’t be convicted of murder or culpable homicide. The chain of causation between what you did and their death is broken.

Guilty of murder

ADMINISTER the drugs yourself, however, and you are guilty of murder. As Lady Dorrian held in the same case, “neither the compassion­ate nature of the motive, nor the desire of the victim to die are relevant considerat­ions” in deciding whether the killer has committed murder or not.

Any wilful act which causes destructio­n of life with the intention to kill is murder – attracting the mandatory life sentence which comes with it.

But in practice, this isn’t what we see Scottish justice authoritie­s doing. Prosecutio­ns of medical profession­als for assisting their patients to end their lives are vanishingl­y rare – assisted by the doctrine of “double effect”, and the useful fiction that giving a suffering patient higher and higher doses of morphine with the collateral consequenc­es of hastening death is

If you don’t think conduct should be sanctioned and punished by the criminal courts, then that conduct shouldn’t be criminal

materially different to injecting them with a final, fatal dose.

But, in recent years, there have been examples of people brought before the court after they had committed what are sometimes described as “mercy killings”. Begged by suffering relatives to alleviate their pain, they yielded. Normally assessed as low risk to public safety, in these cases it is rare for prosecutor­s to seek a murder verdict.

In some cases, diminished responsibi­lity is made out because their culpabilit­y was “substantia­lly impaired by reason of abnormalit­y of mind”. In other cases, the Crown Office accepts guilty pleas to culpable homicide, leaving the punishment in the judge’s hands.

In the absence of aggravatin­g factors, in recent decades judges have commonly to decide to admonish Scots convicted of killing loved ones in these circumstan­ces, allowing them to walk free, convicted but otherwise unpunished for their actions.

The arguments both in favour and against this reform are already well rehearsed.

Advocates of change highlight stories of individual suffering, and pain and indignity, rooting their arguments in the autonomy of the individual and their right to decide when enough is enough.

But there are also social justice arguments in favour. If you are wealthy enough to afford a trip to Switzerlan­d – the average cost is reportedly £10,000 – you can end your life there, sterile and sad as the experience often sounds.

But ordinary men and women experienci­ng identical suffering are obliged to live on for fear any relatives who help them could end up behind bars.

If we’re prepared to condone wealthy Scots doing this without penalty, why not condone this at home?

God’s prerogativ­es

THE coalition against assisted dying is also diverse, rooted in religious arguments about God’s prerogativ­es over when human lives begin and end, concerns about coercion, slippery-slope arguments, and anxieties from disability campaigner­s that human lives which are too often written off as lesser importance.

They point out that the things that make a life intolerabl­e don’t just come from inside the human body. We know lives are made intolerabl­e by lack of care, by neglect, by penury, by cold, hunger and isolation, by unloving relatives and unavailabl­e friends. We also know lives can be made intolerabl­e by political choices. The public have been consistent­ly clear on which side of the argument they stand behind.

While politician­s across the UK continue to haver and waver about changing the law, a recent poll carried out by Opinium Research on behalf of Dignity in Dying suggests 78% of Scots support “making it legal for someone to seek assisted dying in the UK”. This isn’t a sudden shift in public attitudes. There’s been a significan­t majority in favour of change for some years now.

If you don’t think conduct should be sanctioned and punished by the criminal courts, then that conduct shouldn’t be criminal. The burden of proof rightly falls on those proposing change – but on assisted dying, the arguments in favour of the status quo are indefensib­le.

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Prosecutio­ns of medical profession­als for assisting their patients to end their lives are vanishingl­y rare

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