&Blue Black

The Conservative benches are finally beginning to look like the country they represent. But is the Tories’ commitment to diversity more than skin deep? Nels Abbey analyses where the party stands

“I’m down with the ethnics. You can’t out-ethnic me,” so said the then newly minted Conservative mayor of London, Boris Johnson, in 2008. Given the look of Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s cabinet in 2021, it could be argued that the gentleman spoke nothing but the gospel. Despite this, and the fact that many (almost certainly a majority) Black people would be considered quite conservative, Black people are still the demographic least likely to vote for the Conservative Party. In fact, the standing of the Conservatives in the community is so fraught that to accept an invitation to Downing Street is to risk your own reputation.

Nevertheless, the Conservative Party is the most successful political entity in human history for good reason: in the hyper-competitive market that is politics they know how to rapidly innovate in order to remain relevant or regain relevance and the competitive advantage that comes with it. So, can the Tories turn the tide and win the support of the group least likely to vote Conservative – Black people – as they did with other non-traditional Conservative voters during the last election?

When assessing the likelihood of success (or failure) of almost any project but especially political ones I believe it’s wise to take a glance at the three Ps: personnel, policy, and prayer (luck).

Personnel

In the age of diversity and inclusion, any organisation that wishes to a ract a certain clientele must ensure that that clientele is re ected and represented in their ranks at all levels. On the surface, the Conservative government has done this very well. Scratch under the surface and the picture is more fascinating. e most bi erly true piece of advice I ever received about being a writer was: “expect to be ignored”. Alas, this proved so of an article I wrote for the Evening Standard in September 2014 about how the Conservative Party could win the votes of ethnic minorities by “ditching the crazies” in favour of the “credibles”. ough I use di erent language today, the “crazies” was a euphemism for ethnic minority Conservative politicians who seemed rather gung-ho on making in ammatory and divisive statements – especially on race. e “credibles” by contrast were, as the name suggests, ethnic minority Conservatives who “come across as full of integrity, great ideas and bursting with intellect”. On the list of “credibles” I included: Kwasi Kwarteng, Sam Gyimah and Baroness Warsi. What transpired over the seven years, three general elections and one major referendum since that article was published proves the advice I received about writers being ignored was 100 per cent correct. Of the listed credibles, all but Kwasi Kwarteng have been frozen out of front-line politics, or they have le the party altogether.

ankfully the likes of Helen Grant (a passionate anti-racist and ambassador for Black Britain), Nadhim Zahawi (who worked tooth and nail to improve vaccine take up in ethnic minority communities), Adam Afriyie (a business role model), Rishi Sunak (a role model for walking on water), and others hold down the fort.

e ones I once called crazies (but now a ectionately term “culture warriors”), who I was con dent would serve only to hinder any e orts to make the Conservative Party a ractive to ethnic minority voters, pre y much rule the roost – especially on issues of race. And, as was entirely predictable, they help make the party less a ractive to ethnic minorities.

In a political dichotomy that can only be ascribed to genius, Johnson’s government is the most diverse in our history, yet it would struggle to be considered anti-racist.

What is transpiring is o en tragically yet hilariously farcical: Black History Month interventions from government that essentially condemn anti-racism and anti-racism writers, the promise to be watchful for any NHS “waste or wokery”, the failure to condemn people who booed the (almost) all-conquering England team’s stand against racism – an act which led to England player Tyrone Mings taking to Twi er to call the home secretary out for, in his words, “stoking the re” of racism. No 10’s own race adviser resigned – one and a half times – due to the government’s actions in relation to race.

e notorious Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities report was widely condemned (including by the UN) and several of those who made submissions have since distanced themselves from it.

As a satirist, I am o en kept up at night wondering how the Tory culture warriors will threaten my livelihood next.

is very noble approach to diversity means we have a new paradigm: surface-level representation and actual representation.

e assumption that a person who looks, lives, or loves like you is willing or even able to represent your interests in the corridors of power is now a proven fallacy.

is makes for a more beautifully complex democracy, one that demands a higher level of political sophistication from its voters.

Policy

At the beginning of the Covid pandemic there were fears the nation could be on the verge of experiencing a boom in unemployment. Then there was relief that the boom did not happen. One problem – it did happen… to Black people. Black people bore the burden of unemployment during the pandemic. Black unemployment, which has traditionally hovered around the rate of double that of white unemployment, shot up to treble the rate. The government was unable to explain why this was

“The low-hanging fruit, popular policies the Conservative Party should be o ering Black communities are missing”

happening or the impact of its own policies.

A retrospective of the last 11 years of Tory rule shows just how harsh things have been at times: the hostile environment which paved the way for the Windrush Scandal, sending “Go Home” vans circling areas of high ethnic diversity, stop and search powers expanded (despite the fact the technique is proven to be ine ective and in ammatory), the pi ing of white people who happen to be working class against Black people who are disproportionately working class, the dismissal of race, sexuality and gender equality as “fashionable”, the aforementioned discredited Commission on Race and Ethnicity Disparities report. And then there is the “war on woke”. Black people have very good reason to worry.

e low-hanging fruit, popular policies the Conservative Party should be o ering Black communities are missing. Case in point: the link between poverty and crime is as clear as the link between prosperity and business.

Why the party of business has not invested in a full steam business drive in Black communities (which are o en over-represented in crime stats and under-represented in prosperity stats) is di cult to comprehend. Premises assistance, low-interest loans, business mentors could help transform the community and, by extension, the community’s relationship with the Conservative Party.

Prayer

A June 2020 CNN/Savanta ComRes poll found that 58 per cent of Black people consider the Conservative Party to be institutionally racist. Considering this, and all of the above, prayer is perhaps where the party of the “rone, Altar and Co age” has its strongest hand to play. e fact that the Labour Party is swi ly losing the faith of Black voters suggests its prayers may already be being answered.

e iron could not, and possibly will not ever, be ho er for the Tories to strike in terms of a racting ethnic minority voters. By reigning in the culture warriors and doing exactly what governments are supposed to do – roll out policies that will help solve problems and improve lives – the Black wall could fall in the same way the red wall did. e Tories could help make Britain a true democracy for Black people by opening their votes up to intense competition.

Nevertheless, one cannot help but wonder if the Conservative Party considers Black people more valuable as props to boost its “anti woke” credentials than it does as voters… and fellow great Britons.

Shaun Bailey wasn’t given much of a hope when he took on Mayor of London Sadiq Khan on behalf of the Conservatives earlier this year – yet he put up a tougher fight than most people expected. He tells The House about life as one of the party’s most senior ethnic minority figureheads, of his optimism around the prospects for today’s Black children – and his plans for the future

How much has Britain changed in its approach to issues of race during your lifetime? At its heart, Britain has always been a welcoming country that strives to be a more equal, more fair and more just place. And our country has made a lot of progress in my lifetime. When I was a kid, I was chased out of estates by white supremacists. Today they hide in their caves in increasingly obscure chat rooms. Don’t get me wrong, there’s still a lot to do – but Britain is heading in the right direction quicker than other countries.

Have you experienced racism? If so, when was the last time?

Sadly, yes – and recently. I spoke up a er Bukayo Saka, Marcus Rashford, and Jadon Sancho received racist abuse online, only to receive some myself. I was furious to see racists target these young lions who made England so proud. You will rarely get racist abuse in the streets now, but social media lets racists direct horri c abuse to anyone, anywhere, any time.

It’s no wonder young people think racism is worse today than when the National Front paraded on the streets – they get it straight to their phones. Social media companies need to take responsibility for stopping hate online and shu ing down abusive accounts.

Do you think the life chances of a Black boy growing up in London today are be er than you experienced?

I was raised by a single mum in a council house in Ladbroke Grove, at that time a very deprived part of London. I’ve been homeless, out of work, and know what it’s like for teachers to treat you di erently because of your skin colour.

While I think a Black kid’s life chances are be er today, the challenges I faced remain for too many. And sadly, I do think violent crime is trapping more young people than it did when I was young.

But that can change. ere are more role models today, paving new paths for young Black Londoners. And if politicians banged their heads together, we could make our streets safe, build the homes London needs, and li people up.

Are you optimistic about the future for Black children in London today?

I am optimistic, but I am concerned about the impact of violent crime on their lives if we don’t make London safe. Too many young Black Londoners do not feel safe. And if you are afraid, you can’t concentrate on school and ge ing ahead.

Not only did the number of homicides soar to an 11-year high before lockdown, but the number of Black victims rose by over 68 per cent between 2016 and 2020, compared to the previous veyear period. e mayor’s policing policies haven’t worked. at’s why I am calling for the mayor to review his policing policies to keep Black Londoners safe – to ditch failed ideas and nd new ones. Unless the mayor conducts this review, he risks failing a whole generation of Black Londoners.

Do you think the Conservative Party can be the natural home for Black voters?

I think the Conservative Party is a more natural home than the Labour Party ever could be. Every time I listen to Labour politicians, they bang on about how you can’t change your lot if you are Black. It’s depressing and puts people down. In comparison, modern conservativism is all about empowering people and giving them the tools to get on in life.

What do you say to those who are critical of Black and ethnic minority Conservatives, and the implication that to be a Tory is to somehow be betraying their race?

Frankly, it’s racist to assume that someone must think a certain way because of the colour of their skin. e number of white, le -wing activists who accused me of betraying my race on Twi er during the recent election campaign was astonishing. When I spoke to Black Londoners – they got it. It’s about rejecting division and spreading opportunity.

What is your a itude to the so-called “woke” or culture wars?

I think woke activism is divisive and unhelpful.

Too o en, this narrative focuses on the wrong thing and distorts the truth. Fighting past ba les and trying to rewrite old wrongs won’t take our country forward. Instead, we need to unite people. at means spreading opportunity and bridging divides, not debating Winston Churchill’s statue.

How do you feel about being a role model for Black youngsters considering politics as a career or vocation?

I stood to be Mayor of London because people who share my skin colour and background are underrepresented and misrepresented in our public life. Too o en, others speak on our behalf and assume to know the solutions. If my campaign inspired young Black Londoners to stand, then that will be the sweetest victory of them all.

Was running for the mayoralty a positive experience?

Would you do it again?

It was tiring but worth it. You get to talk to Londoners from every corner of our city and move the conversation forward. I stood because I had something to o er. If I felt like that again and the London Conservatives wanted me, who knows. But, right now, I am enjoying more time with my family, ge ing some rest and focusing on the London Assembly.

What’s life like now for Shaun Bailey? And what comes next for you in politics – or beyond?

For now, I am back as a London Assembly Member, and I am privileged to be chairman of the Assembly’s Police and Crime Commi ee. At the moment, I am pushing the mayor and Metropolitan Police for a new strategy to tackle the disproportionate killing of

Black Londoners. I will always be a voice for Londoners.

“Social media companies need to take responsibility for stopping hate online and shutting down abusive accounts”