Brexit: what the Israelis think
THE ISRAELI government, unlike the Obama administration and the member states of the European Union, is extremely unlikely to express an official position on Britain’s European referendum.
But off-record conversations with senior Israeli officials make the unofficial position clear: Israel would like to see the UK remaining firmly in.
The issue is not that the EU is any more popular in Israel than it is in Britain. Although not an EU member, Israelis see Brussels and its Eurocrats as interfering busybodies, forever trying to meddle in its internal politics and the conflict with the Palestinians.
The EU guidelines issued last year on labelling settlement products led to Israel suspending its engagement with the bloc on the Palestinian issue. The talks freeze was lifted a few weeks ago, but the issue still rankles.
For all the rancour, however, the EU remains Israel’s main trading partner, a major source of foreign investment capital and — importantly for a country that cannot engage openly with many of the countries along its borders — a friendly neighbour.
Israel enjoys a special trading status with the EU and co-operates on research and development worth hundreds of millions of euros annually.
With all that factored in, Israel does not want to lose Britain — one of its moredependableallies—asastrongvoice arguing its case in Europe. Whatever the diplomatic differences between London and Jerusalem, Israel has usually been able to rely on whoever is occupying Downing Street, as well as other senior cabinet ministers, to fight its corner. Post-Brexit, Israel would have less backing in Europe.
Another main concern is the ripple effect on European politics of Britain leaving. The fear is that Brexit would boost far-right, Europhobic and antisemitic parties on the continent, particularly Marine Le Pen’s National Front in France. And while some right-wing Israeli politicians believe that today’s European far-right is more anti-Muslim and pro-Israel, that is not the view in the Foreign Ministry and not even in the higher echelons of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition.
There is also the personal angle. Notwithstanding occasional disagree- ments, David Cameron is uniformly seen as one of the most pro-Israel British prime ministers, and has a very good relationship with Mr Netanyahu. The Israeli government would not like to see his downfall following a referendum vote.
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