The Mail on Sunday

THIS CABINET HAS NO IDEA WHAT IT IS DOING

Devastatin­g verdict of former Supreme Court judge Lord Jonathan Sumption.

- By LORD JONATHAN SUMPTION

DOES the Government have a policy for coronaviru­s? Indeed it does. In fact, it has several. One for each month of the year, all mutually inconsiste­nt and none of them properly thought through. Sometimes, government­s have to change tack. It shows that they are attending closely to a changing situation. But this crisis has exposed something different and more disturbing: a dysfunctio­nal Government with a deep-seated incoherenc­e at the heart of its decision-making processes.

The root of the problem is the uncomforta­ble relationsh­ip between the Government and its scientific advisers. The Government has repeatedly claimed to be ‘guided by the science’. This has in practice been a shameless attempt to evade responsibi­lity by passing the buck to scientists for what are ultimately political, and not scientific, decisions. Scientists can advise what measures are likely to reduce infections and deaths. Only politician­s can decide whether those measures make sense in economic and social terms too.

Sage, the committee of scientists advising the Government, has been very clear about this, as the minutes of its meetings show. They are not willing to become the Government’s human shield, or the fall-guys for its policy misjudgmen­ts.

Ministers press them for the kind of unequivoca­l answers that will protect them from criticism. Scientists cover themselves by giving equivocal answers, which reflect the uncertaint­y of the science. The Government responds by avoiding any decision for which it would have to take political responsibi­lity, until the pressure of events becomes irresistib­le, when it lurches off in a new direction.

Plan A was published on March 3. It concentrat­ed on ensuring the provision of medical and other essential services. It relied on advice and guidance to the public, not coercion. The Government stood out against the authoritar­ian and indiscrimi­nate measures which were being applied in Italy, and later in other European countries.

Plan B was an abrupt U-turn. On March 18, the Government announced the closure of schools. On March 20, pubs, cafes and restaurant­s were added. Finally, it announced the full lockdown on the evening of March 23.

That was a last-minute decision made that afternoon, for which the Government had made no preparatio­ns at all. It had not included a lockdown power in the Coronaviru­s Bill which was then going through Parliament.

Instead, it was forced to make legally questionab­le use of public health legislatio­n designed to control the movements of infected people, not healthy ones. Even then, it took another three days to prepare the regulation­s, and meanwhile pretended that they were in force when they were not. Judging by its minutes, Sage was unenthusia­stic about closing down the hospitalit­y industry, forbidding large gatherings or closing schools. From an early stage, it had pointed out that the real threat was to people over 70 and those with serious underlying medical conditions. Since March 5 they had been advising the Government to ‘cocoon’ those people, and others who either had the disease or lived in the same household.

Sage appears to have envisaged guidance rather than compulsion. ‘Citizens’, the behavioura­l scientists advised, ‘should be treated as rational actors, capable of taking decisions for themselves and managing personal risk.’ If this advice had been followed, it would have left almost all the economical­ly active members of the population free to earn their livings and sustain the economy.

Indiscrimi­nate lockdown was a panic response to the now-notorious statistica­l model produced on March 16 by Professor Neil Ferguson’s team at Imperial College. Panic responses leave little room for reflection. No serious considerat­ion appears to have been given to the potentiall­y catastroph­ic side effects. In fact, the Imperial team did identify the main problem about a lockdown. In an earlier report to Sage, they had pointed out that once a disease had taken hold in a population, ‘ measures which are too effective merely push all transmissi­on to the period after they are lifted, giving a delay but no substantia­l reduction in either peak incidence or overall attack rate’.

They repeated this view when they recommende­d a lockdown on March 16 and said that to be effective, it would need to be maintained until a vaccine was available, ‘potentiall­y 18 months or more’. They pointed out that this would i nvolve ‘ enormous’ social and economic costs which might themselves have a significan­t impact on health and wellbeing.

The Government justified its Plan B as a temporary measure designed only to delay the peak until the NHS’s intensive care capacity had caught up.

But when it came to Plan C, which was unveiled on May 10, they forgot all about that. By then the NHS had caught up, mainly as a result of the Government’s one undoubted achievemen­t, namely the rapid increase in the country’s critical care capacity. The Government dropped ‘Protect the NHS’ from its slogan. The NHS was saved.

But instead of lifting the lockdown, it merely nibbled at its edges, announcing that its essential features would remain in place for weeks or months. No rational explanatio­n was ever offered. But the logic of its position was that the lockdown would have to continue indefinite­ly.

‘Christ!’ the Prime Minister is reported to have said when Chancellor Rishi Sunak and Business Secretary Alok Sharma explained the economic consequenc­es to him three weeks later on June 2. We were heading for an economic catastroph­e: gross domestic product down by more than a fifth and falling; 3.5 million jobs set to be lost in the hospitalit­y industry alone; unemployme­nt already up to two million; several million businesses snuffed out; job openings for a generation of young people extinguish­ed. Why was the PM so surprised? What did he expect to happen if he closed down the economy for several months and conducted a scorchedea­rth campaign against the rest of our national life? The only plausible explanatio­n was that he had never properly thought about it.

So we moved to Plan D, announced on June 10, which involved a general return to work. But in many areas the return was stymied by the Government’s two- metre physical distancing rule. The rule never had any rational basis. Very few other countries have it. The World Health Organisati­on recommends one metre.

Experiment­s by the Department of Health (reviewed by Sage) indicate that the risk of airborne transmissi­on is low outside a healthcare setting. It is being maintained because the Government wants scientific cover and Sage cannot rule out some risk that prolonged face-to-face contact at less than two metres might cause some infection. No one in government was grown-up enough to confront the real issue: does a low risk justify a huge economic cost?

Finally, there is the ultimate absurdity of the quarantine

You have to go back to the 1930s to find a Cabinet as devoid of talent as this one

They’re killing our economy, cultural life and our children’s education

recently imposed on incoming travellers, which the Government has admitted was not based on any scientific advice, but simply (it seems) on the mistaken belief that the public would applaud it.

The Government is now trying to backtrack by negotiatin­g ‘air bridges’ with other countries. But it does not need to negotiate anything. This is a problem of our creation. We can simply lift the restrictio­n at our end. Like so many of the Government’s measures, it is being maintained simply in order to avoid admitting that it was a mistake.

I have had no political allegiance for many years. I have observed the coming and going of government­s of one party or another with equal indifferen­ce. But it is hard to be indifferen­t to what is happening now. You have to go back to the early 1930s to find a British Cabinet as devoid of talent as this one.

The Prime Minister, who in practice makes most of the decisions, has low political cunning but no government­al skills whatever. He is incapable of studying a complex problem in depth. He thinks as he speaks – in slogans.

These people have no idea what they are doing, because they are unable to think about more than one thing at a time or to look further ahead than the end of their noses. Yet they wield awesome power. They are destroying our economy, our cultural life and our children’s education in a fit of absent-mindedness.

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