The Rugby Paper

Nick Cain column

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PREMIERSHI­P Rugby now has no fewer than three administra­tive arms, although signs of transparen­t policy-making from the multiple strands of the top English club league are not much in evidence. This has been highlighte­d by its premature decision to cancel fixtures called off due to Covid infections, rather than postpone them.

Given the uncertain landscape over other competitio­ns and tours during the pandemic, postponeme­nt would have made far better sense than cancellati­on.

The arrival of the vaccines might also be a potential game changer. So why are the Premiershi­p making such significan­t decisions now, which could have the impact of twisting the flagship competitio­n out of shape, when they do not have to, with the playoffs not scheduled until June?

The cancellati­ons have the potential to turn this season into a lottery, with teams who play all their games, or the majority of them, in danger of finding themselves at the foot of the table, below teams who have half their games cancelled.

Why put the reputation of the league in jeopardy?

The limp rationale offered by Premiershi­p Rugby is that there are no spare weekends for rearranged fixtures as the calendar stands now, and therefore they have to take the cancellati­on route.

The best and fairest course of action is to rescind cancellati­ons made so far due to Covid, and postpone them instead.

Having played midweek games last season, there should also be that flexibilit­y this campaign, and cancellati­on should be used only as a last resort.

The cancellati­on approval will have come from the Investor Board, which is now fronted by a new chairman, Nigel Melville.

This Board is basically the decision-making arm of the often fractured, quarrel-riven clubs in the 13-team cartel, who are united by just one policy – to get rid of promotionr­elegation by ring

“Fairest course of action is to rescind cancellati­ons made so far”

fencing.

This will have been rubber-stamped by the Premiershi­p’s administra­tive appendages, the Rugby Committee and the Rugby Board (commercial).

The main officers of the Rugby Committee are Melville (chairman), Darren Childs (chief executive) and Phil Winstanley (director of rugby). It is responsibl­e for rugby decisions from the salary cap through to competitiv­e structures and player welfare – and interfaces with the shadowy, non-accountabl­e joint Premiershi­p-RFU quango, the PGB.

The Rugby Board is chaired by Andy Higginson, the chairman of Morrison’s (supermarke­ts).

This is responsibl­e for TV rights/sponsorshi­p and comprises Childs – who has been bumped sideways by Melville’s appointmen­t – as well as three club representa­tives and three from CVC, the private equity firm that own 27 per cent of Premiershi­p Rugby.

Higginson was an independen­t director of the RFU board from 2011 to 2016, and Melville was acting chief executive of the RFU until just over a year ago.

This maintains a controvers­ial crossover with the RFU that started in 2018 when Ian Ritchie, the RFU chief executive responsibl­e for the English governing body’s £230m PGA with the Premiershi­p in 2016, jumped ship to become chairman of the Premiershi­p Rugby Board – before handing over to Higginson in 2019.

Another controvers­ial crossover was the decision in 2019 by Mark McCafferty, Premiershi­p Rugby’s chief executive for 14 years before being succeeded by Childs, to join CVC soon after their shareholdi­ng deal was announced.

Given this exchange in key personnel, and its attendant whiff of a jobs-for-the-corporate-boys takeover in rugby administra­tion, it is perhaps not surprising that the RFU remain mute when the Premiershi­p make decisions which are not in the best interests of the English game.

Allowing the Premiershi­p to nobble the English promotion-relegation system by slashing central funding for clubs promoted from the Championsh­ip is a case in point.

It is also why the decision to cancel five Covid-hit matches from 36 in the opening six rounds of this season’s Premiershi­p deserves much closer scrutiny.

While the formula for awarding four points to the non-responsibl­e club, and two to the infected club, might be acceptable if games cannot be played before the playoffs, it is jumping the gun.

It also promotes a strong suspicion that the main reason for the precipitat­e decision to cancel the fixtures is because it plays into the hands of those Premiershi­p club owners who want ringfencin­g.

Their argument that there is no place for promotion-relegation during the pandemic, because it could push a number of Premiershi­p clubs into insolvency, is fundamenta­lly bogus.

As long as a relegated club has a parachute payment as a member of the cartel, they would still have a massive advantage in any Championsh­ip promotion race.

Furthermor­e, there is no reason why relegation would be the decisive factor in their insolvency – because the over-spending factors which contribute­d to it would almost certainly have been present long before they went down.

This season started under the one-up onedown promotionr­elegation format, and with the RFU confirming that status quo, players and coaches, as well as supporters and sponsors, will expect it to be honoured.

Yet, the Premiershi­p’s cancellati­on policy has ring-fencing fingerprin­ts all over it, and the RFU’s silence is deafening.

“This plays into hands of club owners who want ring-fencing”

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