The Scotsman

SCOTTISH PERSPECTIV­E

We need a robust form of liberal democracy that treats humans as equals, writes Joyce Mcmillan

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Once, long ago – 2002, to be precise – I rememberin­g heading to Alloway in Ayrshire to see an outdoor promenade show called Fall From Light. It was created by Angus Farquhar’s astonishin­g NVA company, now sadly closed following a Creative Scotland decision last year; and its inspiratio­n was Burns’s great comic narrative poem Tam O’shanter, which the show framed as a founding text of the age of enlightenm­ent, a blast of wit, intelligen­ce and common sense against the forces of ancient superstiti­on and drunken delusion.

The point of the show, though, was to hint that that age of reason might now be coming to an end; that a civilisati­on that had come to believe in nothing was once again at risk of falling prey to lies, myths and superstiti­ons dreamed up to keep us in our places. And I thought of that show this week, as Donald Trump began his campaign of bluster and obfuscatio­n following his decision to withdraw the small but vital American military presence in northern Syria, which had – until a few days ago – prevented Turkey from moving in and taking control of the area.

Northern Syria remains a key area for Kurdish fighters, who have so far proved by far the most effective forces in defeating the terror regime of Islamic State on the ground – perhaps because, for historic reasons, they actually believe in ideas like democracy, equality and freedom, not least for women.

Yet Turkey – a nation with an appalling record of intoleranc­e and abuse towards its Kurdish minority – has long been itching to get into the area and finish off the Kurdish forces, which it frames as “terrorists”. Now, in a phone call with the increasing­ly authoritar­ian Turkish leader President Erdogan, Trump has apparently given the green light for Turkey to do exactly that; causing an uproar across the US political spectrum, and raising profound questions – following his notorious phone chat with President Zelensky of Ukraine, itself followed in short order by another green light, this time to Vladimir Putin, to consolidat­e his hold on war-torn eastern Ukraine, about his habit of conducting or inventing policy via phone chats and Twitter, but also about the values, or lack of them, that underpin those policies.

Recent events only confirm the antienligh­tenment pattern of Trump’s presidency so far; notably, in this case, his visceral attraction to authoritar­ian leaders like Putin and Erdogan, and his contempt for multilater­al organisati­ons like Nato and the EU that proceed by negotiatio­n and compromise. For if the enlightenm­ent was based, in part, on an age of growing literacy, and rising levels of education among the general population, then the politics of Trump – and the growing global network of right-wing thugs in office – seem to be based on deliberate illiteraci­es, each one more dangerous than the last.

There is, for example, the rank historical illiteracy betrayed by Trump this week, when he excused his betrayal of the Kurds by asking where they were on the beaches of Normandy, in 1944; a comment which, among other things, ignores the fact that Kurdish troops actually did fight on the Allied side. There is the illiteracy about gender politics that turns this new wave of reaction into an old boys’ game, full of ageing men who claim the right to indulge in foul locker-room talk about women, as well as to exercise unlimited, intrusive legislativ­e power over their bodies.

There is the carefully cultivated political illiteracy of a movement that allows the power of capital to become ever more global and transnatio­nal, while peddling 19th century myths of ‘national sovereignt­y’ to gullible sections of the public.

And there is, of course, the deep, denialist environmen­tal illiteracy that fuels much of their seething repressive energy; the fury against those pointing out the bare facts about what we have done to our global environmen­t, and the likely consequenc­es, that finds expression in tirades of abuse directed by wealthy middle-aged men against a 16-year-old Swedish girl who decided to take the path of reason, and actually do something about the climate emergency we face.

So faced with these many forms of endarkenme­nt, what can we do? Unlike Burns, we are not emerging from a pre-modern age of mass illiteracy and profound religious authoritar­ianism and we have to face the truth that the 21st century leaders who embrace this kind of politics, and the millions who follow them, have chosen this path, against more enlightene­d alternativ­es that, in most Western countries, still remain freely available.

It seems clear, with hindsight, that the current political crisis has its roots in the increasing success of global transnatio­nal capital over the last 30 years, in buying up the main actors in Western liberal democracy, and discrediti­ng that system in the eyes of millions by gradually destroying its power to improve the lives of the majority.

Yet if human history tells us one thing clearly, it is that we are unlikely to find a way out of this crisis that does not involve a return to a form of those values – reinvented perhaps, and no longer mis-identified as ‘Western’, but based on the same universal and enduring principles of equality, respect for persons, the rule of law, and the hearing of all voices in making major collective decisions.

In the making of creative and progressiv­e societies, capable of living at peace with themselves and others, nothing else will do. If the battle to destroy a post-war world-order based on those principles is being won in the minds of people who have been persuaded to see them as useless, then it’s also in the minds of voters that those losses will have to be reversed, inch by inch, mile by mile; until we return to a more robust form of liberal democracy that knows how to prevent billionair­es from buying up its political processes, and how to treat its people as human beings and equal citizens, rather than mindless consumers and occasional voters, ripe for exploitati­on by a wealthy elite that increasing­ly seems as heartless and joyless as it is morally bankrupt.

 ??  ?? 0 Donald Trump seems to have a visceral attraction to authoritar­ian leaders like Putin and Erdogan
0 Donald Trump seems to have a visceral attraction to authoritar­ian leaders like Putin and Erdogan
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