The Scotsman

Sorry Mr Mackay, it’s the economic case for the Union that’s ‘stronger than ever’

- Murdo Fraser

It is generally accepted that politician­s can get away with saying things to their party conference­s that would be inappropri­ate in any other setting. Personal attacks on opponents, third-rate jokes, laboured puns, and extravagan­t claims of future success are all fair game in the conference hall, likely to provoke an enthusiast­ic response from starryeyed, ultra-loyal, party activists, many nursing hangovers from the previous night’s festivitie­s.

It is in this context that we should view Finance Secretary Derek Mackay’s comments to the SNP conference in Aberdeen on Monday, specifical­ly his claim that the economic case for independen­ce is “stronger than ever”. Scotland can “more than afford to be independen­t”, Mr Mackay told SNP delegates.

The timing of the Finance Secretary’s comments was somewhat unfortunat­e, coming out on the very morning that the latest Royal Bank of Scotland PMI report showed that manufactur­ing firms in Scotland had suffered a sharp drop in output last month, and a steeper decline in new orders. Scotland ranked only above Northern Ireland in parts of the United Kingdom in terms of business confidence, trailing behind the UK average.

It is not just on this measure that the Scottish economy is underperfo­rming, after 12 years of SNP government. We are in a decade of below average economic growth, with unemployme­nt rates in Scotland higher than the UK average, and employment rates significan­tly lower.

On one estimate, there are around 30,000 more adults of working age in Scotland economical­ly inactive compared to the UK average. Their participat­ion in the workforce would provide a significan­t boost to the Scottish economy, not to mention a considerab­le contributi­on towards income tax revenues.

Notwithsta­nding the SNP’S disappoint­ing track record on economic issues, we are now expected to believe that independen­ce will see a miraculous improvemen­t, not just in economic performanc­e, but in our fiscal position. How, exactly, this is likely to come about remains

a mystery. The Scottish Government’s own figures told us in August that we run a nominal annual deficit of £12.6bn, representi­ng seven per cent of Scotland’s GDP. This translates into a Union dividend of just short of £2,000 for every man, woman and child in Scotland.

It is this level of fiscal transfer from other parts of the UK that supports higher levels of public spending here. These funds would require to be replaced in the event of separation if we were not to see dramatic tax hikes, swingeing public service cuts, or a combinatio­n of both.

We are still no clearer what exactly the SNP would do to fill Scotland’s fiscal gap post-independen­ce, beyond vague promises about the need to “grow the economy”. At least the 2014 White Paper had one policy proposal which might have driven forward economic growth:

the promise to cut corporatio­n tax by three per cent below the UK rate. But even that has now been ditched.

SNP politician­s will talk about how Scexit will allow Scotland to pursue a more liberal immigratio­n policy, with a growing population driving economic expansion. Scotland’s track record in this area, after 12 years of SNP Government, gives little cause to be optimistic on that particular front.

Despite having free movement of people within the EU for decades, levels of inward migration to Scotland have been lower than average for the UK as a whole. What exactly would reverse this trend and attract more European immigrants to Scotland in the future – with higher taxes than the rest of the UK and with all the economic uncertaint­ies around independen­ce – is far from

clear. It is not just on the question of fiscal balances that the SNP’S economic prospectus is threadbare. We are still no clearer as to what exactly the currency of an independen­t Scotland would be, but the preference now seems to be for ditching the pound and adopting an alternativ­e, presenting clear challenges for Scottish businesses trading with the rest of the UK.

Moreover, at the weekend Nicola Sturgeon refused to rule out the prospect of a hard border between the Solway and Tweed in the event of Scexit, again presenting huge challenges for Scottish business. The UK domestic market is worth three times more to Scottish exporters than the value of the EU Single Market, yet the SNP, in an exercise in economic absurdity, wants to prioritise the latter over the former.

Against this backdrop, it is

little wonder that whilst Scottish businesses whom I speak to on a regular basis may have their concerns about a no-deal Brexit, by far their greater concern is the prospect of independen­ce – with a different currency, a hard border, a massive fiscal deficit, and a woeful lack of any long-term plan.

If Brexit tells us anything, it is that extracting ourselves from a 40-year-old economic union is more complex than anyone first imagined. On any logical basis, dissolving a 300-year-old economic, social and political union will be many times more problemati­c.

The fact is that the economic case for the Union is stronger than ever. Despite all the noise coming out of the SNP conference at Aberdeen this week, there is no evidence that the situation is about to change any time soon.

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