The Scottish Mail on Sunday

Ignore the veneer of moderation and soothing rhetoric... Labour’s still a byword for economic ineptitude

- By LEO McKINSTRY

WITH some opinion polls giving Labour a lead of more than 30 points ahead of Liz Truss’s Tories, the prospect of Sir Keir Starmer becoming Prime Minister strengthen­s by the day.

This represents a remarkable turnaround for a party that has been out of power for more than 12 years and which is still haunted by the poisonous legacy of Jeremy Corbyn’s extremism.

It is also surprising, as the Labour leader lacks charisma and struggles to have much appeal to the British public.

Faced with the Conservati­ves’ current meltdown over their mini-Budget, Sir Keir’s task is to try to reassure voters about the competence and caution of any future Labour government.

To that end, the party’s conference last week promoted its mainstream credential­s, even singing the National Anthem and holding a minute’s silence to honour the late Queen – acts unthinkabl­e under Corbyn.

But make no mistake, despite this veneer of moderation and soothing rhetoric, Labour’s return to power would herald a return of socialism. It would, I believe, bring social upheaval, conflict and economic decline in its wake.

Echoing Tony Blair – the last Labour leader to win a General Election (and that was as long ago as 2005) – Sir Keir has claimed that Labour is ‘the political wing of the British people’. But, in truth, it remains the creature of narrow vested interests, social-justice warriors and shrill pressure groups, all crying out for taxpayer-funded subsidies and special treatment.

Rather than representi­ng ‘the British people’, Labour, especially in its metropolit­an base of London, is still in thrall to woke ideology and class envy. Its activists want to squeeze the rich, open our borders, dump tradition and roll forward the frontiers of the state.

The contradict­ion between the party’s new centrist image and its radical heart can be seen on every front.

Despite being in government during the financial crisis of 2008, Labour now suddenly poses as the champion of fiscal rectitude. Yet it remains addicted to high taxation and expenditur­e.

History tells us that every Labour government since 1929 has presided over a financial crisis because of economic mismanagem­ent. There is no evidence that a Starmer government would be any different.

Crucially, the party puts wealth redistribu­tion above wealth creation, as reflected in pledges to jack up corporatio­n tax and keep the top 45 per cent income tax band.

‘I am looking at whether and how we tax all different forms of income,’ Sir Keir said last week.

Such words should send a chill down the spines of entreprene­urs and wealth creators.

Labour’s extra taxes would be used, not to boost growth, but to bankroll the expansion of the benefits system and state bureaucrac­y.

It boasts of cash injections into ‘our NHS’, as Sir Keir calls it with a proprietor­ial air, but in the absence of health service reform, the money would inevitably be swallowed by unaffordab­le pay rises and subsidise endemic inefficien­cies.

The same is true across the public sector, from Whitehall to the town halls, particular­ly since the trade unions, which provide 58 per cent of Labour’s funding, would want a return for their financial support. In addition to pay increases, union pressures could also lead to the right to strike and form picket lines being made easier.

Meanwhile, in the name of inclusion, mollycoddl­ing of public employees would grow through measures encouragin­g special leave, working from home, and the kind of Fair Work code of practice operating in Scotland to enhance individual ‘wellbeing, security and respect’.

Under Starmer, the government machine would grow ever larger through measures such as the creation of a vast state company, Great British Energy, with initial funding of £8billion to invest in renewables and green technologi­es.

This behemoth would be one element of Labour’s aggressive environmen­tal agenda to achieve net zero emissions, using more green levies, though the result would risk regular blackouts and rising bills.

A ‘fairer, greener Britain’ – Labour’s conference slogan last week – would, I fear, be translated into a ‘poorer, darker Britain’.

Just imagine Britain under Prime Minister Starmer. Culture wars would intensify, reflected in the introducti­on of wokeness tests for public landmarks such as statues, and purges of academia and the Civil Service to root out anyone deemed insufficie­ntly signed up to Labour’s ‘progressiv­e’ dogma.

Undoubtedl­y, new impetus would be given to spreading Critical Race Theory (which sees everything through the filter of race and puts racism as the central evil, even when there is none) and Unconsciou­s Bias Training.

Toxic identity politics would sweep through civic institutio­ns, promoting division, victimhood and grievance.

A chilling insight into the ugly bigotry of the Left was provided last week by Labour MP Rupa Huq’s appalling comment about Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng: ‘superficia­lly he’s a black man’. It exposed the mindset of many on the Left who, in power, would push an agenda dominated by initiative­s to end ‘white privilege’ and diktats to celebrate diversity.

All the while, free speech would wither and debate would be stifled. This process would inevitably be accompanie­d by an emphasis on gender identity issues – which has already seen many Labour politician­s clumsily attempt to redefine human biology.

Sir Keir, when asked, has hesitated to say whether women could have male genitals.

This rejection of a view of human biology that has held for millennia has been criticised for having a negative knock-on effect on women’s rights.

Politicall­y, there would be a drive to entrench other major changes such as some form of proportion­al representa­tion to replace our first-past-the-post electoral system.

Already, Labour operates an informal pact with the Liberal Democrats to maximise the anti-Tory vote in England. The same alliance could further tighten the strangleho­ld of the Left by lowering the voting age to 16 under the guise of youth engagement, though the real motivation is that the majority of young people are not Tory voters.

At the same time as the voting system is vandalised, the integrity of the United Kingdom would come under threat as never before.

To get Scottish Nationalis­ts to back its radical agenda, Labour may grant them another referendum on independen­ce. Also, there would likely be a vote on Northern Ireland leaving the Union now that Sinn

Still haunted by the poisonous legacy of Jeremy Corbyn’s extremism

It remains the creature of narrow vested interests, social-justice warriors and shrill pressure groups

Toxic identity politics would promote division, victimhood and grievance

Fein is the largest party in the province and recent census figures show Catholics, traditiona­lly nationalis­ts, now outnumber Protestant­s.

More upheaval would follow from Labour’s open-door immigratio­n policy. It has long been hostile to strong border controls, not least because migrants overwhelmi­ngly tend to vote Labour. Any pretence at restrictio­ns would be abandoned, even towards illegal Channel crossings, which would be turned into a safe method for asylum-seekers.

But we don’t need to gaze into a crystal ball to see what Labour would be like in office. We can already see how it governs through the example of the London Mayor Sadiq Khan, whose tenure has been characteri­sed by expensive gesture politics, the growth of a sprawling bureaucrac­y, economic sluggishne­ss and inaction on crime.

While knife offences have soared, Khan has set up a Commission for Diversity in the Public Realm to conduct a woke audit of London monuments. As the former Labour MP postures as an eco champion, with policies such as an ‘ultra-low emissions zone’, City Hall staffing costs have increased by £30million, the public relations budget has gone up by a third and almost 600 managers at Transport for London are paid over £100,000 a year.

Such a spendthrif­t agenda does not demonstrat­e that Labour is ‘the political wing of the British people’.

Labour may be way ahead in the polls now, but by General Election day in January 2025 there will be countless reminders to the British people that, at heart, Sir Keir Starmer leads a movement that is a byword for economic mismanagem­ent and obsessed with class war.

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