The Sunday Telegraph

Zuma faces racketeeri­ng, fraud and corruption charges as looting abates

Former South African president in court after jailing over unrelated matters sparked riots

- By Roland Oliphant and Peta Thornycrof­t

FAST cars in exchange for jets, elite government officials on the take, and a sprawling home funded by ill-gotten gains – some of the allegation­s when Jacob Zuma, the former South African president, appears by videolink at the KwaZulu Natal high court tomorrow.

It will be Mr Zuma’s first appearance since imprisonme­nt on unrelated contempt of court charges last Thursday triggered riots bringing the province to the brink of a humanitari­an crisis and South Africa’s ruling party to a schism.

The looting and arson is mostly over. But as soldiers fan out across Gauteng and KwaZulu Natal to keep the fragile peace, and people pick up the pieces of their shattered communitie­s, attention turns to the political fallout.

The most immediate consequenc­e is a split in the African National Congress that is likely to spell the end of Nelson Mandela’s party as we have known it for 27 years, even if the riots concentrat­e party power in the hands of Cyril Ramaphosa supporters.

“The ANC as we know it will never get 50 per cent of the vote again. So the Zuma insurrecti­on failed and the ANC camp behind Ramaphosa has the momentum,” said Prof William Gumede, from the School of Governance at the University of the Witwatersr­and, in Johannesbu­rg.

And the court case in Pietermari­tzburg, a city shattered by the rioting, is a lightning rod for Mr Zuma’s supporters and critics. Mr Zuma is facing 16 charges of fraud, corruption, racketeeri­ng and money-laundering. He could be sentenced to 25 years in jail if convicted.

He is accused of accepting more than 700 bribes in a 10-year period before he became president in 2009 – including a 500,000 rand (£25,100) annual retainer from Thales, a French defence firm, when he was deputy president.

That money, prosecutor­s allege, was in exchange for political influence and protecting the French arms giant from close scrutiny of its role in a controvers­ial multi-billion dollar arms deal signed in 1999. Mr Zuma has pleaded not guilty. Allies say the charges are politicall­y

‘We only needed more equipment for a larger army, and that stuff could be made in South Africa’

motivated. Thales, a co-accused in the case, denies knowledge of wrongdoing. It said: “Thales South Africa has prepared for the trial and is confident in the outcome. The company firmly denies the accusation­s against it.”

Legally, recent events on the streets make no difference to the case. But politicall­y, the chaos has dramatical­ly raised the stakes. Last week’s mayhem began after Mr Zuma began a 15-month jail term for refusing to testify in front of the State Capture Commission chaired by the deputy chief justice Raymond Zondo, which is investigat­ing separate allegation­s of corruption under his 2009-2018 presidency.

There are widespread suspicions that allies of Mr Zuma orchestrat­ed the violence to force his release from jail and make the country ungovernab­le for the rival ANC faction around president Ramaphosa. Mr Zuma’s allies vigorously deny such a conspiracy. “President Zuma has done everything to ensure there was peace. He is a man of peace and does not want violence,” said Mzwanele Manyi, a spokesman for the Jacob Zuma Foundation

Nonetheles­s, the smooth running of the trial will now be seen as test of whether South Africa’s judicial system will be brow-beaten by flagrant intimidati­on. The case against Mr Zuma and Thales represents a small part of the alleged corruption surroundin­g South Africa’s biggest purchase of arms.

The 1999 Strategic Defence Package saw orders for fighter jets, helicopter­s, warships and submarines placed with British, German, Italian, Spanish and French arms companies at a total cost of $4.8 billion (£3.5 billion). It was an eyewaterin­g sum for a country with no immediate external security threat, and allegation­s emerged that the price had been inflated by systematic bribery. Few have been convicted.

In 2003 Tony Yengeni, the ANC’s former chief whip, was sentenced to four years for accepting a discount on a Mercedes car from the South African branch of Daimler Benz at the time it was competing to supply jets and helicopter­s. Its bid was ultimately unsuccessf­ul. In 2005 Schabir Shaik, at the time Mr Zuma’s financial adviser, was sentenced to 15 years in jail for accepting a bribe from Thomson-CSF, now Thales.

Then-president Thabo Mbeki sacked Mr Zuma as deputy state president after Shaik’s conviction, but charges against Mr Zuma himself were dropped several times until they were finally reinstated in 2018. “South Africa didn’t need that arms deal. We only needed more equipment for a larger army, and that stuff could be made in South Africa,” said Bantu Holomisa, MP, the leader of the United Democratic Movement party.

“Apart from all the bribes, we wasted money, that was the serious start of corruption in South Africa,” he added.

 ??  ?? A military tank patrols near a shopping centre in Durban, which was damaged in several days of looting following the imprisonme­nt of former South African president Jacob Zuma
A military tank patrols near a shopping centre in Durban, which was damaged in several days of looting following the imprisonme­nt of former South African president Jacob Zuma

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