The Sunday Telegraph

Stop this assault on business and free speech

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Last summer, when he was campaignin­g to succeed Boris Johnson as prime minister, Rishi Sunak described the 2010 Equality Act as “a Trojan horse that has allowed every kind of woke nonsense to permeate public life” and promised to prevent its influence extending further.

Yet far from guarding watchfully against the Act’s “mission creep”, his administra­tion may yet preside over just such a baleful extension of its remit. If it passes unamended through Parliament, new legislatio­n will cause havoc both for privatesec­tor businesses and for public services, including the police and the NHS.

What makes the Worker Protection Bill all the more extraordin­ary is that it is a private members’ bill sponsored by two Liberal Democrat parliament­arians, which has somehow slipped through repeated readings in Parliament without proper scrutiny.

Its first reading came shortly before Mr Johnson’s administra­tion collapsed; its second the day after Liz Truss resigned as prime minister. Eventually it was waved through the Commons without a vote on a Friday sitting when most MPs were not in Westminste­r but back in their constituen­cies.

It is hardly as if the consequenc­es of the legislatio­n are not serious. It seeks to amend the Equality Act to make employers liable for staff being harassed by “third parties” such as customers or members of the public. Waiters could take coffee shops to court if conversati­ons they overhear distress them. Doctors and nurses may be able to sue the NHS if a patient verbally abuses them. Moreover, it is feared that a defence based on “freedom of speech” protection­s will do little to shield businesses from potentiall­y devastatin­g legal costs and damages for words and actions of third parties entirely beyond their control.

The result, worry some senior Conservati­ves who are now coordinati­ng a backbench revolt against the Bill, is that workplaces will have to be run like a “police state”, with conversati­ons scrutinise­d and vetted to ensure that nothing is said or done that could possibly cause offence. It would clearly have a chilling effect on free speech, already under attack on so many fronts.

There are two explanatio­ns for the passage of this damaging Bill to the brink of becoming law: one is that the Government is determined that it should pass and has lost its political bearings; the other is that it has been distracted or not fully understood the implicatio­ns of the legislatio­n.

We assume that it is the latter. For there is still time to review the Bill and ensure that it can never have the deleteriou­s effect on private business, public services and free speech that it will have in its current form. Mr Sunak should be true to his word last summer and stop this legislatio­n now.

Trade groupthink

The UK’s accession to the Comprehens­ive and Progressiv­e Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p (CPTPP) is a historic achievemen­t for the Government and a triumph for the Internatio­nal Trade Secretary, Kemi Badenoch. The deal grants British businesses privileged access to a rapidlygro­wing market, as part of a bloc that is likely to play an increasing­ly significan­t role in combating China’s efforts to dominate the Asia-Pacific. At last, we are beginning to see the practical benefits of Brexit.

Not according to those still unreconcil­ed to Britain’s exit from the EU, however. They pounced on government forecasts that showed that joining the CPTPP will only boost the UK economy by 0.08 per cent to declare the deal essentiall­y worthless. Shamefully, this was even the headline of the BBC’s report on the agreement.

Aside from the geopolitic­al myopia of swathes of the Remainer elite, a large part of the problem is the nature of official forecastin­g. It would hardly be an exaggerati­on to say that, according to bodies such as the Office for Budget Responsibi­lity, the only possible way to grow the economy is to admit even more immigrants or rejoin the EU. It has been criticised for assuming that some obviously pro-prosperity measures – such as cutting taxes on businesses and entreprene­urs – have a negligible impact on economic growth.

It is little wonder, then, that such prediction­s are so frequently wrong. When it comes to the CPTPP, it is likely that government forecasts have been skewed by an overrelian­ce on the “gravity” model of trade, in which geographic proximity is seen as having a preeminent influence on trade volumes between countries. Little matter that, increasing­ly, trade is less about physical goods and more about intangible services. It is obvious that the CPTPP is a bloc with extraordin­ary upside potential.

It is welcome that senior politician­s have begun to criticise how these forecasts are put together, as well as the excessive reliance that some ministers put on them. The economics establishm­ent does not have oracular powers. Nor is its work meant to be anything more than a guide to policy-making: as in the case of the CPTPP, politician­s have to make their own judgments about the benefits of particular decisions. But it is clear that reforming the broken architectu­re of official forecastin­g can no longer be put off. Technocrat­ic groupthink is holding Britain back.

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